{"id":113106,"date":"2026-07-14T09:32:42","date_gmt":"2026-07-14T04:02:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=113106"},"modified":"2026-07-14T10:41:35","modified_gmt":"2026-07-14T05:11:35","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-14-july-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-14-july-2026\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 14 July 2026"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>Holding the Court Accountable Amid Democratic Strain<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>right to vote<\/strong> is the cornerstone of democracy, ensuring political equality, citizen participation, and constitutional legitimacy.<\/li>\n<li>For marginalised communities, voting represents not only a legal entitlement but also dignity, recognition, and equal membership in the political community.<\/li>\n<li>Any electoral process that restricts access to voting raises important constitutional concerns regarding <strong>electoral integrity<\/strong>, <strong>fundamental rights<\/strong>, and the rule of law.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Right to Vote and Democratic Citizenship<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Voting is more than an administrative exercise; it is a powerful expression of democratic inclusion.<\/li>\n<li>Mukulika Banerjee&#8217;s account of <strong>Rukmini Bai<\/strong>, who compares her vote to individual grains of wheat that sustain her livelihood, illustrates that every vote contributes to the strength of democracy.<\/li>\n<li>The metaphor demonstrates that even the smallest political voice has equal value in determining collective outcomes.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>Special Intensive Revision (SIR)<\/strong> of electoral rolls has generated concerns because of extensive documentation requirements, strict timelines, and digital verification procedures.<\/li>\n<li>These measures disproportionately affect minorities, migrants, women, and the economically disadvantaged, making access to voting more difficult.<\/li>\n<li>The idea of <strong>digital structural authoritarianism<\/strong> reflects the concern that technological and bureaucratic processes may unintentionally become instruments of political exclusion.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Constitutional Role of the Judiciary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>A Counter-Majoritarian Institution<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>The Supreme Court serves as a counter-majoritarian institution entrusted with protecting constitutional rights against excessive exercise of executive power.<\/li>\n<li>Effective judicial review depends not only on sound constitutional reasoning but also on timely intervention.<\/li>\n<li>Delayed adjudication weakens constitutional safeguards when government actions become irreversible before judicial scrutiny is completed.<\/li>\n<li>Situations that become a <strong>fait accompli<\/strong>, as witnessed in disputes concerning <strong>demonetisation<\/strong> and <strong>Jammu and Kashmir&#8217;s special status<\/strong>, reduce the practical effectiveness of judicial review.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Judicial Neutrality<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Judicial involvement in supervising administrative processes also raises concerns about <strong>judicial neutrality<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Constitutional courts are expected to review executive action rather than participate in its implementation.<\/li>\n<li>Maintaining a clear distinction between adjudication and administration is essential for preserving institutional independence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Framing of Constitutional Disputes <\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Greater emphasis on the <strong>Election Commission&#8217;s<\/strong> administrative powers than on the possible <strong>deprivation of voting rights<\/strong> risks overlooking broader constitutional questions.<\/li>\n<li>Principles such as proportionality, fairness, non-discrimination, and constitutional rights require careful examination alongside the social realities of poverty, illiteracy, and unequal access to public institutions.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Judicial Accountability<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Judicial accountability<\/strong> is an essential feature of constitutional governance.<\/li>\n<li>Political thinkers such as <strong>Murray Rothbard<\/strong>, <strong>Charles Black<\/strong>, and <strong>A.G. Griffith<\/strong> observed that courts may sometimes reinforce governmental authority instead of limiting it.<\/li>\n<li>These perspectives underline the continuing importance of safeguarding <strong>judicial independence<\/strong> and institutional impartiality.<\/li>\n<li>As one of the world&#8217;s most influential constitutional courts, the Indian Supreme Court significantly shapes both legal interpretation and democratic governance.<\/li>\n<li>Constructive public debate and reasoned criticism of judicial decisions complement scrutiny of executive action and strengthen constitutional accountability.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Democracy and the Future of Political Opposition<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A healthy democracy depends upon <strong>independent institutions<\/strong>, <strong>free elections<\/strong>, and active civic participation.<\/li>\n<li>When institutional neutrality appears weakened, democratic accountability increasingly relies on vibrant political opposition and <strong>people&#8217;s movements<\/strong> that promote constitutional values through peaceful and democratic means.<\/li>\n<li>Protecting <strong>electoral inclusion<\/strong>, ensuring equal access to voting, and preserving an independent judiciary remain indispensable for sustaining public confidence in democratic institutions.<\/li>\n<li>Broad-based civic engagement strengthens both constitutional governance and democratic resilience.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The protection of the <strong>right to vote<\/strong> remains central to the survival of constitutional democracy.<\/li>\n<li>A robust electoral system requires inclusive participation, timely and independent <strong>judicial review<\/strong>, and accountable public institutions.<\/li>\n<li>Upholding <strong>electoral integrity<\/strong>, <strong>fundamental rights<\/strong>, and the <strong>rule of law<\/strong> ensures that democracy remains participatory, representative, and resilient for all citizens.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Holding the Court Accountable Amid Democratic Strain FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1. <\/strong>Why is the right to vote important in a democracy?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The right to vote ensures political equality and enables citizens to participate in democratic governance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> What concerns arise from the Special Intensive Revision (SIR)?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The SIR may create barriers to voting through extensive documentation and procedural requirements.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>What is the role of the Supreme Court in a constitutional democracy?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The Supreme Court protects constitutional rights by reviewing executive actions and upholding the rule of law.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> Why is judicial accountability necessary?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Judicial accountability promotes transparency, safeguards judicial independence, and strengthens public trust in democratic institutions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>How can democracy be strengthened?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Democracy can be strengthened through free elections, independent institutions, and active civic participation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/holding-the-court-accountable-amid-democratic-strain\/article71218387.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Beyond Labour &#8211; Why Gender Wealth Inequality Must Be Counted<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The World Inequality Report (WIR) 2026 by the World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics, and the UN report Counting What Counts (May 2026) examine inequality and gender disparities.<\/li>\n<li>However, both reports largely equate women\u2019s economic status with labour market participation, while <strong>overlooking gender inequality<\/strong> in wealth and asset ownership, thereby underestimating the true extent of economic inequality.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Missing Dimension &#8211; Gender Wealth Inequality<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Both reports primarily assess women&#8217;s economic status through employment, labour force participation and wage differentials.<\/li>\n<li>They <strong>neglect ownership<\/strong> of wealth and productive assets, despite devoting significant attention to household wealth inequality in general.<\/li>\n<li>This creates a <strong>misleading <\/strong>impression that wealth belongs to men while women are viewed mainly as labour providers.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Why Wealth Ownership Matters<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Improves social and human development outcomes:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Evidence from studies across the Global South (1994\u20132024) shows that when women own assets:\n<ul>\n<li>Child survival, nutrition, health and education outcomes improve significantly.<\/li>\n<li>Women face a lower risk of domestic violence.<\/li>\n<li>Asset ownership provides protection against poverty following marital breakdown.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Thus, women&#8217;s ownership of assets contributes to <strong>welfare <\/strong>beyond what employment alone can achieve.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Enhances productivity and economic growth:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Studies, including those compiled by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), show that giving women access to farmland, agricultural inputs, and productive assets can substantially increase &#8211;\n<ul>\n<li>Agricultural productivity.<\/li>\n<li>National economic growth.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Asset ownership therefore has <strong>macroeconomic significance<\/strong>, not merely social value.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Essential for livelihoods in the informal economy:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>In developing countries, particularly India, most women work in the informal sector, where earnings depend on ownership of productive assets rather than wages.<\/li>\n<li>Productive assets include agricultural land, livestock, farm equipment, street vending carts, and small business infrastructure.<\/li>\n<li>Without ownership of such assets, women&#8217;s earning capacity remains severely constrained.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Indian Scenario &#8211; Labour Without Assets<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>PLFS 2023\u201324 findings:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>86% of all women workers are employed informally.<\/li>\n<li>91% of rural women workers are in the informal sector.<\/li>\n<li>77% of rural women workers are engaged in agriculture.<\/li>\n<li>73% of rural women workers are self-employed, largely as <strong>unpaid <\/strong>family workers.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Hence, only about 25% of rural women, and one-third of all women workers receive wage employment (regular or casual).<\/li>\n<li>For the rest (who are self-employed), asset ownership\u2014not wages\u2014is the primary determinant of <strong>sustainable income<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Persistent Gender Gap in Land Ownership<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Despite women increasingly functioning as de facto farmers due to male migration, data (from NFHS, ICRISAT and IHDS) show women own land in only <strong>12\u201316%<\/strong> of rural land-owning households.<\/li>\n<li>Lack of ownership limits access to institutional credit, investment decisions, productivity, and economic independence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Limitations of Existing Measurement Approaches<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Over-reliance on hourly earnings:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Both reports use the female-to-male hourly earnings ratio as the principal indicator of gender inequality.<\/li>\n<li>This is <strong>inadequate <\/strong>because:\n<ul>\n<li>Most self-employed workers do not earn by the hour.<\/li>\n<li>Farmers, shopkeepers and street vendors cannot meaningfully calculate hourly wages.<\/li>\n<li>Annual earnings would provide a more realistic measure.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h5><strong>Incomplete understanding of unpaid work:<\/strong><\/h5>\n<ul>\n<li>The reports largely equate unpaid work with the domestic chores and care work.<\/li>\n<li>They overlook women&#8217;s unpaid productive work on family farms, household enterprises, and small businesses.<\/li>\n<li>This results in further underestimation of women&#8217;s economic contribution.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h5><strong>Ignoring wealth as a driver of inequality:<\/strong><\/h5>\n<ul>\n<li>The WIR attributes lower female employment mainly to lack of affordable childcare, poor transport, inadequate family leave, and hiring discrimination.<\/li>\n<li>While important, these explanations overlook asset ownership, even though research by the World Inequality Lab itself identifies inheritance as a major source of wealth inequality.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h5><strong>Data unavailability &#8211; Not an adequate excuse:<\/strong><\/h5>\n<ul>\n<li>The argument that wealth data by gender are unavailable is increasingly untenable.<\/li>\n<li>Existing sources already provide:\n<ul>\n<li>Gender-wise pension wealth data in several developed countries.<\/li>\n<li>Gender distribution among the richest 1%.<\/li>\n<li>Gender-disaggregated land ownership data from the FAO and World Bank for many developing countries.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Moreover, the World Inequality Lab has successfully encouraged governments to <strong>improve <\/strong>wealth data collection.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Policy Priorities<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Reducing gender inequality requires moving <strong>beyond labour-market reforms<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Policy priorities should include:\n<ul>\n<li>Equal inheritance rights and implementation.<\/li>\n<li>Expanding women&#8217;s ownership of land and productive assets.<\/li>\n<li>Improved access to credit through secure property rights.<\/li>\n<li>Recognition of women as farmers and entrepreneurs.<\/li>\n<li>Collection of gender-disaggregated wealth and asset data.<\/li>\n<li>Policies <strong>addressing intra-household<\/strong> wealth inequalities, not merely household-level disparities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Measuring gender inequality solely through employment and wages presents an <strong>incomplete picture <\/strong>of women&#8217;s economic status.<\/li>\n<li>Wealth and productive asset ownership are fundamental determinants of empowerment, productivity, bargaining power and long-term economic security.<\/li>\n<li>A<strong> comprehensive approach<\/strong> to inequality must therefore integrate gendered wealth distribution alongside labour-market indicators, ensuring that women&#8217;s role as owners of capital as well as contributors of labour is fully recognised.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Gender Wealth Inequality FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> Why is gender wealth inequality considered a more comprehensive indicator of women&#8217;s economic empowerment?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Because it captures ownership of productive assets, which determines long-term economic security.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> How does women&#8217;s ownership of productive assets contribute to inclusive economic growth?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Ownership of land enhances women&#8217;s productivity, improves agricultural output, strengthens livelihoods.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> Why is the female-to-male hourly earnings ratio an inadequate measure of gender inequality?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>It overlooks self-employed and informal workers, ignores unpaid productive work, and fails to capture disparities in wealth.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> What structural factors perpetuate gender wealth inequality in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Limited land ownership, unequal inheritance, informal employment, and intra-household disparities in asset distribution.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>What policy measures are needed to address gender wealth inequality in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Strengthening women&#8217;s property and inheritance rights, promoting ownership of productive assets, improving access to credit, etc.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/apparently-wealth-is-for-men-and-work-is-for-women-10784409\/lite\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>The Right Path for India\u2019s Nuclear Power Development<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>International sanctions were imposed on India after its peaceful nuclear test of 1974.<\/li>\n<li>The India-US civil nuclear deal of 2008 ended restrictions on uranium and nuclear plant imports, with some critical exceptions, enabling India&#8217;s nuclear programme to grow through free uranium imports.<\/li>\n<li>Negotiations with major Western nuclear plant suppliers were later abandoned as their plants proved far too expensive.<\/li>\n<li>As India now sets an ambitious target of 100 GW nuclear capacity by 2047, this article examines whether the country should rely on its own proven technology or import expensive foreign alternatives.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>India&#8217;s Homegrown Nuclear Advantage<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Sanctions forced India to innovate domestically. Every component in India&#8217;s nuclear plants has been designed, developed, tested, and manufactured within the country through sustained partnerships between the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and Indian firms.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Unit sizes<\/strong> have grown from 200 MW to 500 MW, with 700 MW units now developed, four under construction, and ten more in the pipeline.<\/li>\n<li>India today builds the <strong>world&#8217;s cheapest nuclear power plants<\/strong> at approximately $1,700 per kW, compared to South Korea&#8217;s $2,200, France&#8217;s over $5,500, and the US&#8217;s $15,000 per kW.<\/li>\n<li>This gives India strong potential to become a major global exporter of nuclear power plants, making any move toward importing costlier foreign technology questionable.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Technological Leadership and the LWR Gap<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India has strengthened its technological standing further with its <strong>500 MW<\/strong> commercial <strong>fast breeder reactor<\/strong> nearing commissioning.<\/li>\n<li>Currently, India operates <strong>Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors<\/strong> (PHWRs), which use natural uranium.<\/li>\n<li>However, <strong>Light Water Reactors<\/strong> (LWRs), which use enriched uranium and are more widely deployed globally, remain <strong>undeveloped<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Since the Nuclear Suppliers Group waiver permanently bars transfer of <strong>enrichment and reprocessing technology<\/strong> to India, the country must develop its own LWR capability through a dedicated, well-resourced programme.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Scaling Up While Staying Self-Reliant<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>To meet the 100 GW target by 2047, India has <strong>opened<\/strong> the nuclear sector to new public and private entrants through investor-friendly legislation. Nuclear power is now cost-competitive with thermal power.<\/li>\n<li>Using proven domestic technology for this expansion would be the most cost-effective approach, leveraging scale effects to lower production costs further, while new entrants could also help reduce project execution time and costs.<\/li>\n<li>Importing expensive foreign technology streams would undermine this advantage and should not be seriously considered.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Small Modular Reactors: Proceed with Caution<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>To power <strong>AI data centres&#8217; massive energy needs<\/strong>, Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) are being explored in the West, though their designs remain under development with no commercial deployment yet.<\/li>\n<li>The AEC has already offered 200 MW plant technology to new entrants, and smaller reactors can be developed domestically through AEC-industry partnerships.<\/li>\n<li>For foreign-designed SMRs, a cautious regulatory approach is advisable: such reactors should have a proven operational track record elsewhere before deployment in India, rather than being tested experimentally on Indian soil.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Safety as the Non-Negotiable Priority<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India&#8217;s nuclear safety record has been exemplary and must be preserved amid rapid expansion.<\/li>\n<li>This is a significant challenge given India&#8217;s broader industrial safety culture, where accidents at construction and operational sites remain frequent.<\/li>\n<li>A single nuclear mishap could trigger public backlash similar to the post-Chernobyl slowdown in the West.<\/li>\n<li>New entrants should therefore start with a few plants, build rigorous internal safety cultures backed by continuous external audits, and scale up gradually rather than rushing expansion.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India&#8217;s nuclear journey shows how sanctions bred self-reliance and cost leadership.<\/li>\n<li>Achieving 100 GW by 2047 is achievable, but only through calibrated growth that prioritises domestic technology, safety culture, and gradual scaling, ensuring India emerges as both energy-secure and globally competitive.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Right Path for India\u2019s Nuclear Power Development FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> Why does the article advocate indigenous nuclear technology for India&#8217;s expansion plans?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans:<\/strong> Indigenous technology is more affordable, proven and self-reliant, allowing India to expand nuclear capacity while reducing costs and strengthening domestic manufacturing capabilities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> What is the significance of India&#8217;s target of 100 GW nuclear capacity by 2047?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans:<\/strong> The target supports long-term energy security, clean energy transition, industrial growth and India&#8217;s commitment to achieving net-zero emissions through reliable low-carbon power.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> Why does the article recommend caution regarding Small Modular Reactors (SMRs)?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans:<\/strong> Most SMR technologies remain commercially unproven; therefore, India should prioritise indigenous development and adopt foreign designs only after demonstrated operational success.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> How have international sanctions shaped India&#8217;s nuclear programme?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans:<\/strong> Sanctions compelled India to develop indigenous reactor technology, strengthen domestic manufacturing and achieve global cost competitiveness in nuclear power generation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> Why is nuclear safety considered the cornerstone of future expansion?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans:<\/strong> Maintaining an exemplary safety record is essential to sustain public confidence, prevent catastrophic accidents and ensure the long-term success of India&#8217;s nuclear energy programme.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/the-right-path-for-indias-nuclear-power-development\/article71218419.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">TH<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 14 July 2026 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":34,"featured_media":86373,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":["post-113106","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-daily-editorial-analysis","tag-daily-editorial-analysis","tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","tag-the-indian-express-analysis","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/113106","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/34"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=113106"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/113106\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":113110,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/113106\/revisions\/113110"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/86373"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=113106"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=113106"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=113106"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}