{"id":120432,"date":"2026-08-22T08:33:39","date_gmt":"2026-08-22T03:03:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=120432"},"modified":"2026-08-22T10:37:23","modified_gmt":"2026-08-22T05:07:23","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-22-august-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-22-august-2026\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 22 August 2026"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>Ensuring Equity Amid India\u2019s Educational Progress<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>India\u2019s school education system<\/strong> has made significant progress in gross enrolment, student retention, dropout reduction, teacher availability and basic infrastructure.<\/li>\n<li>With 1.47 million schools, 240 million students and 10.2 million teachers, the system has achieved remarkable scale.<\/li>\n<li>However, <strong>progress remains uneven<\/strong> across regions and social groups.<\/li>\n<li>Differences in Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER), dropout rates, pupil-teacher ratios (PTR), infrastructure and accessibility reveal that educational expansion has not yet produced equal opportunities for all.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Regional and Social Imbalances<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Uneven Access and Enrolment<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Educational access varies considerably across States and Union Territories.<\/li>\n<li>Aadhaar seeding ranges from 99.6% in Andhra Pradesh to only 35% in Meghalaya, against a <strong>national average of 90.2%.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>School distribution is also shaped by population density and geography.<\/li>\n<li>Uttar Pradesh has the largest share of schools and enrolment, while Chandigarh records an average enrolment of 1,194 students per school and Ladakh only 64.<\/li>\n<li>Such differences reflect <strong>variations in population density<\/strong>, settlement patterns and geographical accessibility.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Social Inequality<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Social composition varies significantly across regions.<\/li>\n<li>Several northeastern and Himalayan regions have substantial ST enrolment, Punjab has a high share of SC students, while OBC representation is prominent in Tamil Nadu and Gujarat.<\/li>\n<li><strong>National GER also varies<\/strong> across social categories, requiring policies that address socioeconomic disadvantage and unequal educational opportunities.<\/li>\n<li>Gender participation presents a positive trend, with the <strong>Gender Parity Index<\/strong> favouring girls across most States and Union Territories.<\/li>\n<li>Sustaining this achievement, particularly through secondary education, remains important.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Regional Variation in GER and Dropout Rates<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>GER varies sharply across educational stages. Meghalaya records a Foundational GER of 131, while Bihar records only 24.<\/li>\n<li>At the Secondary level, <strong>Chandigarh records 109 compared with Bihar\u2019s 48<\/strong>. Such variations can reflect differences in enrolment, age-grade patterns, migration, delayed entry and continuation through successive stages.<\/li>\n<li>Dropout rates reveal another dimension of inequality.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Bihar records the highest Preparatory dropout<\/strong> rate at 7.9% and Middle-level rate at 9%, while Ladakh records the highest Secondary dropout rate at 14.8%.<\/li>\n<li>These patterns underline the need to strengthen student retention and transition from primary to secondary education.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Teacher Availability and Quality<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>pupil-teacher ratio (PTR)<\/strong> directly influences classroom interaction and individual attention.<\/li>\n<li>Densely populated States generally experience greater pressure on teachers. Jharkhand records a <strong>Secondary PTR of 43<\/strong>, while Sikkim records only 6.<\/li>\n<li>Rural and remote schools face additional shortages, with teachers often handling multiple grades, subjects and administrative responsibilities.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Teacher policy must therefore prioritise equitable deployment<\/strong>, subject-specific availability and retention in disadvantaged areas, rather than focusing solely on aggregate teacher numbers.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Persistent Infrastructure and Inclusion Gaps<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Access to electricity and drinking water has improved, but infrastructure remains uneven.<\/li>\n<li>Remote, tribal, hilly and border regions continue to face shortages of schools, transportation and quality learning facilities.<\/li>\n<li>Districts such as Bageshwar, Ganjam, Kandhamal, Kathua and Palghar illustrate the difficulties created by geographical isolation.<\/li>\n<li>Children belonging to SC, ST, minority and economically vulnerable communities face additional barriers to enrolment, attendance and completion.<\/li>\n<li>Children with disabilities require accessible classrooms, appropriate learning resources, assistive technologies and trained teachers to ensure genuine inclusion.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Targeted Investment and Policy Reform<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A uniform approach cannot address India\u2019s diverse educational challenges.<\/li>\n<li>In accordance with the <strong><a href=\"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/upsc-exam\/national-education-policy-2020\/\" target=\"_blank\">National Education Policy (NEP) 2020<\/a>,<\/strong> investment should be targeted towards educationally deprived regions and vulnerable groups.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Priority areas include school infrastructure, transport facilities<\/strong>, equitable teacher deployment, digital connectivity and learning resources.<\/li>\n<li>Scholarships, residential facilities and community-based interventions can improve retention among disadvantaged children.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Digital expansion<\/strong> must also avoid creating a new digital divide by ensuring access to devices, connectivity and local-language content.<\/li>\n<li>Inclusive education requires accessible buildings, toilets, assistive technologies and trained teachers.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Better monitoring of district-level outcomes<\/strong> can help direct resources towards areas with the greatest educational deficits.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s education system presents <strong>a paradox of progress<\/strong>: access, participation and basic infrastructure have improved, yet substantial regional and social inequalities persist.<\/li>\n<li>The next phase of reform must shift from access to equity, enrolment to learning, and aggregate improvement to targeted outcomes.<\/li>\n<li>Bridging these disparities requires <strong>coordinated investment in infrastructure, teachers, digital resources,<\/strong> social protection and inclusive education.<\/li>\n<li>Ensuring that location, social background, economic circumstances or disability do not determine <strong>educational opportunity is essential for strengthening human capital<\/strong>, social mobility, economic growth and balanced regional development.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Ensuring Equity Amid India\u2019s Educational Progress FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> What is the major challenge facing India\u2019s school education system?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India\u2019s major challenge is reducing regional and social inequalities in educational access and quality.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> Which factor significantly affects the quality of classroom learning?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The pupil-teacher ratio significantly affects classroom interaction and individual attention.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> Which groups face greater barriers to education?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>SCs, STs, minorities, economically weaker children and children with disabilities face greater educational barriers.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> Why is targeted investment necessary in education?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Targeted investment is necessary to address infrastructure, teacher shortages, digital gaps and regional disparities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>What should be the focus of the next phase of educational reform?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The next phase should focus on equity, quality, inclusion and learning outcomes rather than access alone.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/ensuring-equity-amid-indias-educational-progress\/article71374765.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Unimpeded Trade Needs IPMDA as the Answer\u00a0<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>India-U.S. relationship faces sanctions<\/strong>, visa restrictions, trade disagreements and energy-security concerns, yet strategic cooperation remains essential.<\/li>\n<li>The West Asian crisis has reinforced the need for resilient global supply chains and secure maritime routes.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>Indo-Pacific<\/strong> has become the critical intersection of geopolitics, global trade, energy security and maritime security, making stronger Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) an urgent priority.<\/li>\n<li>India and the United States can strengthen maritime security through the <strong>Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA)<\/strong> and the Quad while expanding cooperation with regional partners.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Indo-Pacific as the Artery of Global Trade<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The Indo-Pacific is a <strong>critical artery of the global economy<\/strong>, carrying nearly $7 trillion in annual trade and connecting energy producers, manufacturing centres and consumer markets.<\/li>\n<li>Major chokepoints such as the <strong><a href=\"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/strait-of-malacca\/\" target=\"_blank\">Strait of Malacca<\/a>, Strait of Hormuz<\/strong> and Bab-al-Mandeb are essential to the movement of energy and goods.<\/li>\n<li>Disruptions in these waters can cause higher energy prices, shipping delays and supply-chain instability.<\/li>\n<li>At the same time, <strong>state-sponsored coercion<\/strong>, smuggling, illegal fishing, sanctions evasion and grey-zone activities increasingly threaten freedom of navigation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Growing Importance of Maritime Domain Awareness<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>MDA provides <strong>a comprehensive understanding of activities<\/strong> in the maritime environment by integrating information from multiple technological and institutional sources.<\/li>\n<li>It strengthens maritime security, economic security, environmental protection, safety and law enforcement.<\/li>\n<li>A major challenge is the <strong>increasing number of vessels<\/strong> that disable Automatic Identification System (AIS) transponders to conceal movements, cargo or illicit activities.<\/li>\n<li>Smaller fishing vessels may also remain outside mandatory AIS requirements, enabling illegal, unreported and <strong>unregulated fishing<\/strong> that damages marine ecosystems and threatens regional food security.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Grey-Zone Threats and the Surveillance Gap<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>State and non-state actors increasingly employ <strong>grey-zone operations<\/strong> to intimidate competitors and disrupt regional stability without triggering conventional military responses.<\/li>\n<li>Such activities are difficult to counter because their origins and intentions may remain ambiguous.<\/li>\n<li>A continuous maritime picture can help identify suspicious behaviour, establish evidence and enable diplomatic, legal or security responses.<\/li>\n<li>Transparency therefore becomes an important instrument of deterrence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>IPMDA and the Quad<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA) provides <strong>a practical framework<\/strong> for improving maritime surveillance through multilateral information-sharing.<\/li>\n<li>Developed under the Quad, it <strong>seeks to provide partners<\/strong> with near-real-time maritime information.<\/li>\n<li>Its strength lies in integrating commercial satellites, radio-frequency monitoring, radar systems and national sensor networks.<\/li>\n<li>India&#8217;s acquisition of <strong>SeaVision technology<\/strong> and its maritime information infrastructure create a strong foundation for deeper cooperation.<\/li>\n<li>India&#8217;s Information <strong>Fusion Centre\u2013Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR<\/strong>) can complement IPMDA by connecting maritime information across the Indian Ocean and strengthening regional situational awareness.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>India-U.S. Cooperation: Strategic Complementarity<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The United States benefits from <strong>India&#8217;s regional capabilities<\/strong> because Washington cannot independently maintain comprehensive maritime surveillance across the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans.<\/li>\n<li>Cooperation with India can distribute responsibilities while preserving strategic reach.<\/li>\n<li>For India, partnership with the United States provides <strong>access to advanced maritime technologies,<\/strong> intelligence-sharing and wider surveillance networks while supporting strategic autonomy.<\/li>\n<li>However, <strong>bilateral cooperation alone cannot address threats<\/strong> that routinely cross national boundaries.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Bringing ASEAN, Pacific Island States and Europe into the Framework<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The effectiveness of IPMDA depends on <strong>wider participation by ASEAN countries<\/strong>, Pacific Island nations and European partners.<\/li>\n<li>Smaller states such as Bangladesh, Maldives, Seychelles, Sri Lanka and Fiji often possess surveillance capabilities but face financial, technological and jurisdictional limitations.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Regional information-sharing<\/strong> can strengthen these existing systems without replacing national sovereignty.<\/li>\n<li>European participation can further reinforce the framework because <strong>European economies depend heavily on secure maritime trade<\/strong> and energy supplies.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Transparency as Deterrence<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The strategic environment has weakened the assumption that freedom of navigation and open trade can sustain themselves automatically.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Unchallenged coercive behaviour<\/strong> can gradually become normalised and establish dangerous precedents.<\/li>\n<li>An integrated maritime-information system can make illicit activities more difficult by ensuring that <strong>suspicious movements are detected, documented<\/strong> and rapidly shared.<\/li>\n<li>Technology must therefore be combined with common standards, legal cooperation, institutional coordination and capacity-building.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Challenges and the Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Key challenges include data sovereignty, intelligence-sharing, technological disparities, legal differences and institutional coordination. Addressing them requires:\n<ul>\n<li>strengthening India-U.S. maritime information-sharing;<\/li>\n<li>integrating IPMDA with IFC-IOR and partner systems;<\/li>\n<li>expanding participation among ASEAN and Pacific Island states;<\/li>\n<li>improving satellite, radar and AIS-based surveillance;<\/li>\n<li>providing smaller states with technology and training;<\/li>\n<li>developing common protocols for suspicious maritime activity;<\/li>\n<li>combating illegal fishing, smuggling and sanctions evasion; and<\/li>\n<li>ensuring cooperation remains consistent with sovereignty and international law.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The future of the Indo-Pacific depends on protecting the <strong>maritime foundations of global commerce. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>India-U.S. cooperation must therefore extend beyond trade, energy and diplomatic concerns to include collective maritime security.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Through IPMDA, the Quad, IFC-IOR<\/strong> and wider regional partnerships, India and the United States can promote a more transparent and resilient maritime order.<\/li>\n<li>Freedom of navigation requires continuous awareness, information-sharing and collective action.<\/li>\n<li>In an era of grey-zone competition, <strong>transparency can serve as a powerful deterrent and help secure the Indo-Pacific<\/strong> as a foundation of global economic stability.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Unimpeded Trade Needs IPMDA as the Answer\u00a0FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> Why is the Indo-Pacific important to global trade?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> The Indo-Pacific carries nearly $7 trillion in annual trade and connects major energy, manufacturing and consumer markets.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> What is Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA)?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> MDA provides a comprehensive understanding of activities and threats in the maritime domain.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> What is the purpose of IPMDA?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> IPMDA enables near-real-time maritime information-sharing among partner countries to improve maritime security.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>How does India contribute to maritime security?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> India contributes through the IFC-IOR and its growing maritime surveillance and information-sharing capabilities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> Why is transparency important in the Indo-Pacific?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> Transparency helps detect, document and deter coercive and illegal maritime activities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/unimpeded-trade-needs-ipmda-as-the-answer\/article71374728.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Keep UPI Free &#8211; Fund It from the Savings It Generates<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>There is the need to examine the proposed change to <strong>Section 10A<\/strong> of the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, through the Taxation Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026.<\/li>\n<li>The amendment replaces the existing prohibition on charges for BHIM-UPI and RuPay with an enabling provision under which the government may notify modes of payment on which <strong>charges can be imposed<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>While no charge has been introduced yet, opening this door could undermine the foundational principle of free and <strong>universal digital payments<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>UPI &#8211; From Payment Innovation to Public Digital Infrastructure:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>When Unified Payments Interface (UPI) was introduced (by NPCI), the objective was to reduce dependence on cash by providing a simple, interoperable and low-cost payment system.<\/li>\n<li>UPI has since become the <strong>backbone <\/strong>of India&#8217;s digital payments ecosystem. <strong>For example<\/strong>, it processed over 24,000 crore transactions in 2025-26, roughly 66 crore transactions a day, worth about <strong>\u20b9314 lakh crore<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>It accounted for around <strong>85%<\/strong> of India&#8217;s digital retail payments and nearly half of the world&#8217;s real-time payments.<\/li>\n<li>A large proportion of transactions are <strong>small-value payments<\/strong>\u2014around \u20b91,300 on average, with 86% of merchant payments below \u20b9500.<\/li>\n<li>These include everyday payments to vegetable vendors, autorickshaw drivers, small shops and street businesses.<\/li>\n<li>Thus, UPI&#8217;s significance lies not merely in transaction volumes but in its ability to formalise small-value economic activity and make digital payments accessible to <strong>ordinary citizens<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Why MDR is the Wrong Pricing Model<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Merchant Discount Rate (<strong>MDR<\/strong>) originated in the card-payment ecosystem, where multiple intermediaries\u2014issuer, acquirer and payment network\u2014share costs and assume risks associated with physical infrastructure and credit.<\/li>\n<li><strong>UPI operates differently:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>It is based on interoperability, rather than closed payment networks.<\/li>\n<li>Transactions move directly between bank accounts.<\/li>\n<li>There is no physical card or terminal.<\/li>\n<li>There is no comparable credit-default risk.<\/li>\n<li>Settlement is almost instantaneous.<\/li>\n<li>UPI is built on an open protocol and common infrastructure.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Therefore, applying the traditional MDR model to UPI would amount to imposing an <strong>inappropriate legacy pricing<\/strong> mechanism on a fundamentally different digital public infrastructure.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Cost of Zero-MDR UPI<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Banks and payment providers nevertheless incur real costs in operating UPI. The government has attempted to bridge this gap through <strong>incentives<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>However, the projected expenditure on these incentives has increased sharply\u2014from about \u20b93,631 crore to nearly \u20b9<strong>4,373 crore<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The solution should not be to recover these costs directly from merchants and consumers through MDR.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Alternative &#8211; Fund UPI Through the Savings it Creates<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The state and financial system derive substantial savings from digitisation:\n<ul>\n<li>The RBI spends \u20b95,000\u20136,400 crore annually merely on <strong>printing currency.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Digital payments reduce the costs of cash printing, storage, transportation and handling.<\/li>\n<li>Banks benefit from the lower-cost digital transaction ecosystem and the ability to retain deposits and lend them.<\/li>\n<li>Digitalisation <strong>reduces transaction costs<\/strong> across the economy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Hence, if UPI generates savings for the government and banks, a portion of these savings can finance the infrastructure that generates them.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Why MDR Could Become Self-Defeating<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India&#8217;s digital-payment transition remains price-sensitive. Even a small MDR can make digital transactions less attractive than cash.<\/li>\n<li><strong>For example<\/strong>, a merchant charged 2% may pass the cost to customers as a \u201cdigital payment charge\u201d or discourage digital payments altogether.<\/li>\n<li>Even a 0.3% charge could significantly affect merchants operating on thin margins.<\/li>\n<li>The result could be a <strong>reversal <\/strong>of India&#8217;s cash-to-digital transition, particularly among small merchants.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Protecting UPI as a Public Good<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>UPI has succeeded because it is free, instant, interoperable, universal, and accessible.<\/li>\n<li>Its expansion has brought millions of people and small businesses into the formal digital economy.<\/li>\n<li>Therefore, UPI should not be treated simply as a commercial payment product. It is a form of digital public infrastructure, and its <strong>benefits extend beyond individual transactions<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Instead of imposing MDR:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Fund UPI through savings generated by reduced cash dependence.<\/li>\n<li>Develop transparent, formula-based support for payment infrastructure.<\/li>\n<li>Ensure that any support is linked to value delivered, rather than transaction pricing.<\/li>\n<li>Preserve affordability for small merchants and consumers.<\/li>\n<li>Avoid policies that could encourage a return to cash.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>The debate illustrates the broader challenge of balancing financial sustainability with inclusive digital public infrastructure.<\/li>\n<li>India&#8217;s UPI model demonstrates how interoperability, network effects and state-supported digital infrastructure can reduce transaction costs while promoting <strong>financial inclusion<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The central proposition is clear: UPI should remain free at the point of use.<\/li>\n<li>If digitalisation saves money for the government and banks, those savings should help finance UPI rather than recovering costs through MDR from merchants and consumers.<\/li>\n<li>Preserving <strong>zero-cost UPI<\/strong> is therefore presented not merely as a <strong>payment-policy choice<\/strong>, but as a means of protecting India&#8217;s cash-light, inclusive and digitally enabled economy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Keep UPI Free FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. Why is Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) considered unsuitable for UPI transactions?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Unlike card networks, UPI is an interoperable DPI with minimal physical infrastructure and no comparable credit risk.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. How has UPI contributed to India\u2019s digital financial inclusion?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. By enabling instant, interoperable and low-cost payments.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What are the advantages of financing UPI through savings generated by digitisation?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Since digital payments reduce government and banking costs, a portion of these can sustainably finance UPI infrastructure.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. What are the potential consequences of imposing MDR on UPI transactions?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. MDR could raise transaction costs, encourage merchants to pass charges to consumers, etc.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. How can India ensure the financial sustainability of UPI while preserving its zero-cost character?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. India can use transparent, formula-based government support funded partly by savings from reduced cash dependence.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/upi-payments-free-fund-savings-generates-10844124\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 22 August 2026 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":34,"featured_media":86373,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":["post-120432","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-daily-editorial-analysis","tag-daily-editorial-analysis","tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","tag-the-indian-express-analysis","no-featured-image-padding"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/120432","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/34"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=120432"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/120432\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":120445,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/120432\/revisions\/120445"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/86373"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=120432"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=120432"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=120432"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}