{"id":60283,"date":"2025-08-21T11:57:22","date_gmt":"2025-08-21T06:27:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=60283"},"modified":"2025-10-14T11:46:11","modified_gmt":"2025-10-14T06:16:11","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-21-august-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-21-august-2025\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 21 August 2025"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>Nuclear Laws and the Role of Opposition<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>\u00a0Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>India\u2019s energy security and climate change commitments are at a crossroads<\/strong>, with the government preparing to revisit one of the country\u2019s most contentious legislative debates: the <strong>Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Act (CLNDA), 2010, and the Atomic Energy Act (AEA), 1962.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>The <strong>proposed amendments, aimed at redefining liability<\/strong> frameworks and opening nuclear energy to private participation, <strong>will not only test the unity of the Opposition but also shape India\u2019s nuclear future.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Historical Context of Nuclear Liability in India<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The roots of the <strong>current debate go back over fifteen years<\/strong>, when India, not party to existing global conventions, <strong>sought to establish its own framework for compensating victims of nuclear accidents. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>The <strong>CLNDA was enacted in 2010 against the backdrop of tragedies such as the 1984 Bhopal gas leak,<\/strong> the Gulf of Mexico oil spill, and the Fukushima disaster in Japan.<\/li>\n<li>These <strong>events sharpened public and parliamentary concern <\/strong>about corporate accountability.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>Opposition, then led by the BJP and Left parties, pushed for stringent liability<\/strong> clauses that extended beyond operators to <strong>include suppliers of nuclear reactor equipment.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>While this addressed public fears, <strong>it also deterred foreign suppliers, making the Act effectively unworkable. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>Attempts at reform over the last decade have met with little success,<\/strong> with Western suppliers remaining hesitant to enter the Indian nuclear market.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Political Contours of the Debate<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The issue of liability has always been politically charged. <strong>In 2007, the UPA government considered opening the nuclear sector to private participation<\/strong>, citing recommendations from the Dr. Raja Ramanna Committee.<\/li>\n<li>However, <strong>concerns about sovereignty, safety, and foreign influence stalled progress.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Today, <strong>the BJP-led NDA government seeks to amend the CLNDA and the AEA to resolve supplier liability concerns<\/strong> and to pave the way for private investment in nuclear energy.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>Congress, however, has raised objections<\/strong>, arguing that these changes dilute accountability, compromise safety, and prioritise foreign corporate interests, <strong>particularly those of France and the U.S., over citizens\u2019 welfare.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>Such accusations echo earlier controversies,<\/strong> such as when the CLNDA was originally introduced in 2010 amid claims that it was timed to coincide with U.S. President Barack Obama\u2019s visit.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rejected such assertions<\/strong>, insisting that India needed a liability framework to prepare for future nuclear expansion.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>India\u2019s Nuclear Ambitions and Energy Security<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Despite India\u2019s nuclear aspirations, <strong>the sector\u2019s contribution to the energy mix remains modest, only about 3% of total power generation. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>As of late 2023, <strong>24 nuclear plants provided 8.8 GW of installed capacity,<\/strong> far below earlier targets.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>government now envisions a steep climb to 22.48 GW by 2031-32<\/strong> and an ambitious 100 GW by 2047.<\/li>\n<li>This <strong>expansion, however, hinges on two factors:<\/strong> resolving liability concerns to attract international suppliers and investors, and embracing new technologies such as small modular reactors.<\/li>\n<li><strong>These reactors, already the focus of global competition, promise safer, more flexible nuclear power,<\/strong> but they also raise critical questions about waste management, regulation, and public trust.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Opposition, Precedents, and the National Interest<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>Opposition\u2019s response will be decisive.<\/strong> Historically, parties have reversed their stance on contentious issues once in power, often in the name of national interest.<\/li>\n<li><strong>The Patents Act amendment, the insurance FDI reform<\/strong>, and the Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh all <strong>saw initial resistance, followed by eventual bipartisan consensus.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>A <strong>similar shift may occur with the nuclear amendments<\/strong>. The Congress and other Opposition parties must weigh the risks of supplier protection against the urgency of clean energy expansion.<\/li>\n<li><strong>In doing so, they must avoid reducing the debate to partisan rhetoric<\/strong> and instead <strong>engage with long-term questions: How should India balance accountability with growth? <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>What safeguards are necessary for private sector participation? And how will nuclear energy fit within the broader renewable energy transition?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Way Forward: The Need for a Meaningful Debate<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The government, with its parliamentary majority, does not strictly need Opposition support. Yet <strong>a genuine, broad-based debate is crucial.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>The <strong>stakes involve not just liability provisions but also India\u2019s trajectory toward climate goals, <\/strong>technological innovation, and global energy leadership.<\/li>\n<li>As one parliamentarian once warned, <strong>political role reversals should not entail policy reversals<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>challenge before both government and Opposition is to transcend past standoffs<\/strong> and to shape a nuclear policy that is pragmatic, forward-looking, and uncompromising on safety.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Only then can India reconcile its ambition for energy independence<\/strong> with its responsibility toward its citizens and the environment.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>proposed amendments<\/strong> to India\u2019s nuclear laws <strong>highlight the enduring tension between ensuring accountability and enabling growth<\/strong> in the energy sector.<\/li>\n<li>While <strong>liability concerns must not be dismissed, a pragmatic framework is essential<\/strong> to attract investment, expand nuclear capacity, and meet climate goals.<\/li>\n<li>Ultimately, <strong>bipartisan cooperation and a future-oriented debate will be key to aligning energy security<\/strong> with public safety and national interest.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Nuclear Laws and the Role of Opposition FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1. <\/strong>Why was the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Act (CLNDA) enacted in 2010?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>It was enacted to create a framework for compensating victims of nuclear accidents, as India was not part of global conventions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2. <\/strong>What is the main concern of foreign suppliers with the CLNDA?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>They are hesitant because the Act makes them liable for accidents, which discourages investment.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> What energy target has India set for nuclear power by 2047?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India aims to achieve 100 GW of nuclear power capacity by 2047.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>How has the Opposition historically responded to contentious laws in India?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The Opposition often resisted initially but later supported them in the national interest.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>Why is a broad-based debate on nuclear reforms important today?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>It is important because the reforms affect energy security, climate goals, and public safety in the long term.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/nuclear-laws-and-the-role-of-opposition\/article69955578.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>India\u2019s Democracy is Failing the Migrant Citizen<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>In Bihar, democracy is silently sidelining millions of migrants. A Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the state\u2019s electoral rolls has resulted in the deletion of nearly <strong>5 million voters (4.4% of the total electorate)<\/strong>.\n<ul>\n<li>These voters were marked as \u201cpermanently migrated\u201d after being absent during house-to-house verification.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>For Bihar, migration is not merely economic but often a survival necessity. However, this lived reality of <strong>circular and split-family migration<\/strong> is being read by the state as an abandonment of voting rights.<\/li>\n<li>As a result, millions of vulnerable citizens risk <strong>permanent disenfranchisement<\/strong> \u2014 unable to vote either in their place of work or at home \u2014 creating a silent crisis that erodes India\u2019s democratic inclusiveness.<\/li>\n<li>This article highlights how India\u2019s democracy is failing its migrant citizens, with millions facing disenfranchisement due to rigid electoral systems, administrative exclusions, and migration-linked challenges.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Migrants and the Sedentary Citizen Problem<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s electoral system is still built around the idea of a <strong>sedentary citizen<\/strong> \u2014 one whose life is rooted in a fixed residence.<\/li>\n<li>Voter registration depends on proof of residence and in-person verification, making it nearly impossible for migrants, who often live in rented rooms, slums, construction sites, or even pavements, to establish eligibility.<\/li>\n<li>This structural gap is reinforced by <strong>regionalism and sub-nationalism<\/strong>. Migrants are frequently seen as outsiders, job competitors, or political threats in host states.<\/li>\n<li>Rising demands for <strong>domicile-based job quotas<\/strong> and resistance to migrant enfranchisement reflect fears of altered political outcomes.\n<ul>\n<li>Consequently, migrants are discouraged from registering in destination states.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>At the same time, many are being removed from their <strong>home-state rolls<\/strong> due to absence during verification.<\/li>\n<li>This has created a <strong>double exclusion<\/strong> \u2014 migrants are neither allowed political inclusion where they live and work, nor retained in their places of origin.<\/li>\n<li>The result is a deepening crisis of disenfranchisement for millions of migrant citizens.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Study Findings: Migrant Marginalisation in Electoral Processes<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A 2015 study by Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), funded by the Election Commission, confirmed that migrants remain largely excluded from electoral participation in host states.<\/li>\n<li>The study highlighted a <strong>triple burden<\/strong> faced by migrants:\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Administrative barriers<\/strong> such as proof of residence requirements.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Digital illiteracy<\/strong> that prevents smooth access to online electoral services.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Social exclusion<\/strong> where migrants are viewed as outsiders or political threats.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Crucially, the study found a direct correlation between high migration rates in source states and lower voter turnout.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Bihar\u2019s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) and Widening Democratic Deficit<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Instead of bridging the turnout gap, Bihar\u2019s <strong>SIR initiative<\/strong> has worsened disenfranchisement.<\/li>\n<li>Nearly 3.5 million migrants risk losing voting rights due to absenteeism during house-to-house verification.<\/li>\n<li>Bihar already had one of the lowest <strong>average voter turnouts (53.2%)<\/strong> in the last four Assembly elections.<\/li>\n<li>In contrast, <strong>Gujarat (66.4%)<\/strong> and <strong>Karnataka (70.7%)<\/strong>, with fewer outbound migrants, show significantly higher participation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Migration Flows and Electoral Implications<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Mobile visitor location register data suggests an <strong>annual outflow of 7 million circular migrants from Bihar<\/strong>. Around <strong>8 million migrate seasonally (June\u2013September)<\/strong>, but nearly half return for festivals such as <strong>Durga Puja, Chhath, and Deepavali<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>In election years, many such returning migrants find themselves <strong>unable to vote<\/strong> because their names have already been struck off the rolls.<\/li>\n<li>Without coordination between origin and destination states, this becomes <strong>systemic disenfranchisement<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Migrants embody a <strong>dual belonging<\/strong>: <u>they contribute economically in host states but remain politically tied to their origin states<\/u>.<\/li>\n<li>This is now being <strong>demonised<\/strong>. The message is clear \u2014 absence at home during verification means <strong>loss of voting rights<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Parallel with Ration Portability Challenges<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>\u2018One Nation One Ration Card\u2019 (ONORC)<\/strong> scheme illustrates the same barriers faced by migrants.<\/li>\n<li>Since its 2019 launch, uptake among Bihari migrants remains limited \u2014 only <strong>3 lakh households<\/strong> availed ration portability outside Bihar (as of May 2025).<\/li>\n<li>Key reasons include:\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Dual residency needs<\/strong> (economic life in host states, entitlements in home states).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Fear of losing benefits<\/strong> if shifted.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Bureaucratic hurdles<\/strong> in destination states.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Similarly, with voter IDs, migrants <strong>retain home-state documents for security<\/strong> but face exclusion where they actually live and work.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Toward Portable Voter Identity for Migrants<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The solution to migrant disenfranchisement lies in adopting <strong>portable and flexible voter identity systems<\/strong> that allow citizens to retain voting rights regardless of mobility.<\/li>\n<li>Instead of blanket deletions, the Election Commission should adopt a <strong>cross-verification model with destination state rolls<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Panchayats and civil society groups must be empowered to run migrant outreach and re-registration drives.<\/li>\n<li>Replicating the <strong>Kerala model of migration surveys<\/strong> in high-migration states such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh would ensure inclusive voter participation.<\/li>\n<li>Without such reforms, India risks witnessing the largest silent voter purge in its post-Independence history, disproportionately targeting the poor who migrate only for bread, dignity, and survival.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>India\u2019s Democracy is Failing the Migrant Citizen FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> Why are millions of migrants in Bihar at risk of losing voting rights?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> Nearly 3.5 million migrants were marked as \u201cpermanently migrated\u201d during electoral roll verification, leading to mass deletions and disenfranchisement in both origin and destination states.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> What structural problem in India\u2019s electoral system disadvantages migrants?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> The system assumes a sedentary citizen rooted in one address. Migrants often lack fixed residence proof, making voter registration and verification extremely difficult.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> What did the 2015 TISS study on migrants and elections reveal?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> The study found migrants face a triple burden \u2014 administrative barriers, digital illiteracy, and social exclusion \u2014 preventing effective participation in host state elections.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> How do ration portability challenges parallel voter identity issues for migrants?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> Just as migrants hesitate to transfer ration entitlements due to dual residency and bureaucracy, they retain home-state voter IDs but face exclusion in host states.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> What solutions are suggested to protect migrants\u2019 voting rights?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> Portable voter identities, cross-verification with destination rolls, migrant surveys, and outreach via panchayats are recommended to prevent silent voter purges among migrants.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/indias-democracy-is-failing-the-migrant-citizen\/article69956801.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>TH<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Criminal Law, Politics, and the Misuse of State Power in India<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Criminal law reflects the <strong>delicate balance<\/strong> between state authority and citizens\u2019 rights.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>recent proposals<\/strong> by the Government of India <strong>to provide a constitutional framework for the removal of ministers (including the PM and CMs) on arrest<\/strong>, have<strong> reignited debates<\/strong> on misuse of investigative agencies, political corruption, and the need for systemic reforms.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Criminal Law and Discretionary Power:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Nature of criminal law<\/strong>: It reflects the idea of state power rather than justice, as governments can criminalise or decriminalise acts depending on political needs.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Discretion in policing<\/strong>: Police enjoy wide powers of arrest even on mere suspicion.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Under-trials in India<\/strong>: 76% of prisoners in 2022 were under-trials, highlighting misuse of arrest powers.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Government\u2019s Recent Proposal:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Provisions introduced:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Article 75(5A)<\/strong>: Removal of Union Ministers including the PM.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Article 164(4A)<\/strong>: Removal of State Ministers\/CMs.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Trigger event:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>The government\u2019s proposal in the recently tabled Bills was seemingly necessitated by the former <strong>Delhi CM\u2019s refusal to resign after spending weeks in jail.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Then, the Delhi HC held that <strong>there is nothing in law <\/strong>envisaging a CM\u2019s resignation in such circumstances.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Objective<\/strong>:\n<ul>\n<li>Projected as a bold move towards decriminalisation of politics.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Challenges of Investigative Agency Misuse:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Judicial criticism:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>In 2013, Justice R M Lodha famously called the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) a \u201c<strong>caged parrot speaking in the master\u2019s voice<\/strong>\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>On the raid at the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation, CJI B R Gavai said that the Enforcement Directorate (ED) has \u201c<strong>crossed all limits<\/strong>\u201d.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Case studies:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Jharkhand CM Hemant Soren<\/strong> (who resigned on his arrest) had to spend six months in custody on the allegations of a so-called land scam, before bail.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Arvind Kejriwal<\/strong> lost critical election campaigning time due to delayed bail.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Tough bail provisions: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>UAPA, PMLA make bail rare, converting arrests into punishment before conviction.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Political Corruption and Ethical Concerns:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Vohra committee (1993):<\/strong> Highlighted nexus of politics, crime, and business.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Erosion of political ethics:<\/strong> Parties embrace corrupt leaders for electoral \u201cwinnability\u201d.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Judicial interventions:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Lily Thomas v. Union of India (2013)<\/strong>: Barred convicted political leaders from contesting elections.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Jan Chaukidar case (2004)<\/strong>: It had even prohibited those in jail from contesting, but Parliament overturned this order.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Credibility Crisis of Enforcement Agencies:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>ED\u2019s track record (2014\u20132024)<\/strong>: 193 cases against politicians, but only 2 convictions.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Concerns raised: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>71% of ED cases filed in the last 5 years.<\/li>\n<li>SC\u2019s anguish over low conviction rate.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Public perception<\/strong>: Agencies appear politically motivated.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Political Context of the Recently Introduced Bills:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Electoral strategy<\/strong>: The ruling party introduced the <strong>130th Constitutional Amendment Bill<\/strong> despite lacking 2\/3rd majority.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Opposition stand: <\/strong>Accusing ruling party of weaponising agencies.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Inclusion of PM:<\/strong> Possibly a <strong>symbolic <\/strong>move to score political points (parallels with Lokpal Act, 2013).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Concerns with Over-Criminalisation:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023: <\/strong>Out of 358 sections, 181 prescribe over 5 years of imprisonment.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Risk<\/strong>: Expansive criminalisation increases misuse for political purposes.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Judicial principle<\/strong>: Bail should be the rule except in heinous crimes.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Way Forward:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Autonomy of agencies<\/strong>: CBI, ED should be made independent with directors chosen by consensus.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Judicial safeguards<\/strong>: Ensure bail is accessible and arrest is not misused as punishment.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Consensus building<\/strong>: Constitutional amendments must be based on political consensus, not partisan gains.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Ethics in politics<\/strong>: For reasons other than political expediency, strengthen institutional measures to combat corruption.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>If India ensures genuine autonomy of investigative agencies, upholds bail as a rule, and builds political consensus on reforms, <strong>criminal law can truly serve justice rather than power.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>In the future, such measures may transform the criminal justice system into a tool for <strong>cleansing politics of corruption while safeguarding democratic rights.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Criminal Law, Politics, and the Misuse of State Power in India FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. How the discretionary powers of the police and investigating agencies affect the criminal justice system in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. It often converts arrests into punishment and erodes public trust in the justice system.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. What are the constitutional implications of the proposed Articles 75(5A) and 164(4A)?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. These provisions risk misuse if investigative agencies lack independence and credibility.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What is the role of the judiciary in curbing political corruption in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Through landmark judgments like Lily Thomas (2013), the Supreme Court has advanced decriminalisation of politics.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. What are the credibility challenges faced by enforcement agencies such as the CBI and ED?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Despite numerous cases, low conviction rates and judicial criticism of political bias undermine the credibility of these agencies.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. What reforms are required to ensure that criminal law is not misused for partisan political interests?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Key reforms include granting autonomy to investigative agencies, making bail a rule, limiting over-criminalisation, and fostering cross-party consensus on constitutional amendments.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/bill-remove-ministers-criminal-law-misuse-10201449\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 21 August 2025 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":50653,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":{"0":"post-60283","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-daily-editorial-analysis","8":"tag-daily-editorial-analysis","9":"tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","10":"tag-the-indian-express-analysis","11":"no-featured-image-padding"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/60283","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=60283"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/60283\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/50653"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=60283"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=60283"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=60283"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}