{"id":63326,"date":"2025-09-13T12:23:41","date_gmt":"2025-09-13T06:53:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=63326"},"modified":"2025-10-07T13:22:03","modified_gmt":"2025-10-07T07:52:03","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-13-september-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-13-september-2025\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 13 September 2025"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>The RTI\u2019s Shift to a \u2018Right to Deny Information\u2019<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>Right to Information (RTI) Act<\/strong> in India has long been celebrated as a landmark legislation that deepened democracy by empowering citizens with access to government-held information.<\/li>\n<li>By establishing <strong>transparency as the default mode of governance<\/strong>, the RTI transformed the relationship between citizens and the state, enabling ordinary people to scrutinize decisions, demand accountability, and expose corruption.<\/li>\n<li>Yet, <strong>the recent amendments to Section 8(1)(j)<\/strong> through the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act <strong>mark a significant departure from this vision.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>What was once a nuanced balance between privacy and transparency now risks becoming a legal framework for denying access to vital public information.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Original Balance of Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>When first enacted, <strong>Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act sought to carefully reconcile the citizen\u2019s right<\/strong> to information with the individual\u2019s right to privacy.<\/li>\n<li>It <strong>allowed public authorities to withhold personal information<\/strong> only if it had no connection to public activity or if disclosure would amount to an unwarranted invasion of privacy.<\/li>\n<li>Even then, <strong>disclosure was permitted when a larger public interest justified it. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>A <strong>crucial safeguard in this provision was its proviso:<\/strong> information that could not be denied to Parliament or a State Legislature could not be denied to an ordinary citizen either.<\/li>\n<li>This <strong>acid test ensured that privacy could not be used as a blanket excuse to restrict transparency<\/strong>, while also acknowledging that privacy is an evolving concept, to be assessed case by case.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Ambiguity of Personal Information<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>DPDP Act\u2019s intervention has radically altered this equilibrium<\/strong>. By reducing Section 8(1)(j) to a mere six words, it introduces ambiguity and expands the scope of \u201cpersonal information\u201d to the point of absurdity.<\/li>\n<li>Two <strong>interpretations of person<\/strong> now compete: one confined to natural persons, the other, derived from the DPDP Bill, encompassing entities as diverse as companies, associations, and even the state itself.<\/li>\n<li>If the latter definition prevails, <strong>nearly every document or decision could be shielded as personal information.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>In effect, the RTI risks being transformed into a Right to Deny Information (RDI).<\/li>\n<li>This <strong>expansive interpretation is compounded by the DPDP Act\u2019s overriding effect on other laws<\/strong> and its severe penalties for disclosure violations, which may reach as high as \u20b9250 crore.<\/li>\n<li>Faced with such risks, <strong>Public Information Officers (PIOs) are incentivised to adopt a defensive posture<\/strong>, erring on the side of denial rather than disclosure.<\/li>\n<li>This chilling effect undermines the very spirit of the RTI, <strong>replacing openness with opacity.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Implications for Corruption and Accountability<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Corruption thrives in secrecy<\/strong>, and transparency has long been one of the few effective tools available to citizens in combating it.<\/li>\n<li>With broadened definitions of personal information, <strong>even routine and seemingly harmless documents, such as a corrected marksheet<\/strong>, a signed official order, or lists of pension beneficiaries, <strong>can now be withheld.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>Examples like Rajasthan\u2019s public disclosure of pension details<\/strong>, which once exposed ghost employees and ghost cards, <strong>may no longer be permissible.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>This <strong>legal transformation effectively institutionalises opacity<\/strong>. Information that directly exposes corruption or malpractice could be dismissed as personal.<\/li>\n<li>Even the clause allowing disclosure in cases of larger public interest provides little relief, as <strong>it is rarely invoked in practice and demands an onerous justification <\/strong>from citizens.<\/li>\n<li>Thus, <strong>the DPDP amendments not only weaken the RTI but also embolden corruption <\/strong>by making concealment the default.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Apathy and the Need for Collective Action<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Unlike previous RTI amendments<\/strong>, such as those altering the salaries and tenures of commissioners, <strong>these changes have not sparked widespread outrage.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>Part of the reason lies in their presentation<\/strong>: couched in the language of data protection, they appear benign or even necessary.<\/li>\n<li>Moreover, <strong>many citizens mistakenly believe that their own data<\/strong>, however collected or used by the government, <strong>should remain private at all costs<\/strong>, overlooking the broader implications for collective accountability.<\/li>\n<li>Addressing this requires <strong>urgent and coordinated action<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>First, <strong>media and citizen engagement must intensify, creating awareness<\/strong> and debate across the country.<\/li>\n<li>Second, <strong>political accountability should be demanded<\/strong>, with parties required to commit to reversing these amendments in their manifestos.<\/li>\n<li>Third, <strong>strong public opinion must be cultivated, treating this issue with the same gravity <\/strong>as other national crises.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>RTI Act was never merely a piece of legislation<\/strong>; it was a democratic promise that citizens would have the means to hold their government accountable.<\/li>\n<li><strong>By hollowing out Section 8(1)(j)<\/strong> and prioritising privacy in an indiscriminate manner, <strong>the DPDP Act risks converting this promise into an illusion. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Transparency and accountability, <strong>the lifeblood of democracy, are imperilled by legal ambiguities<\/strong> that empower denial rather than disclosure.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>future of transparency in India now depends on whether its people can reclaim the RTI <\/strong>before it is too late.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The RTI\u2019s Shift to a \u2018Right to Deny Information\u2019 FAQs<\/strong><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1. <\/strong>What principle is the RTI Act based on?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The RTI Act is based on the principle that all government-held information belongs to the citizens in a democracy.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2. <\/strong>How did the original Section 8(1)(j) balance privacy and transparency?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>It allowed denial of personal information only if it invaded privacy without public interest, while ensuring that information available to Parliament could not be denied to citizens.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>What major change did the DPDP Act bring to the RTI Act?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The DPDP Act reduced Section 8(1)(j) to a vague six words, making it easier to deny most information as \u201cpersonal.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>How do these changes affect the fight against corruption?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The changes weaken transparency, allowing corruption-related information to be hidden under the excuse of personal data.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>Why has public outrage been limited over these amendments?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Public outrage has been limited because the changes were presented under the guise of data protection, making them appear harmless to ordinary citizens.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/the-rtis-shift-to-a-right-to-deny-information\/article70042967.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Property Rights, Tribals and the Gender Parity Gap<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Over a month after the <strong>International Day of the World\u2019s Indigenous Peoples (August 9)<\/strong>, the issue of indigenous rights remains pressing\u2014especially following the Supreme Court\u2019s July 17, 2025 ruling in <em>Ram Charan &amp; Ors. vs Sukhram &amp; Ors.<\/em><\/li>\n<li>This judgement held that <strong>excluding daughters from ancestral property violates the fundamental right to equality<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Viewed through a gender-equality lens, this underscores deep injustice: most tribal women lack statutory inheritance rights (except some matrilineal communities in the Northeast).<\/li>\n<li>The moment calls for legal reform to secure tribal women\u2019s equal property rights.<\/li>\n<li>In this context, this article highlights the urgent need to address gender inequality in tribal property rights, examining recent court rulings, customary laws, and the call for a dedicated Tribal Succession Act.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Plea for Equal Share in Tribal Property Rights<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>In <em>Ram Charan &amp; Ors. vs Sukhram &amp; Ors.<\/em>, the appellant-plaintiffs, legal heirs of Dhaiya, a Scheduled Tribe woman from Sarguja, Chhattisgarh, sought partition of property belonging to their maternal grandfather, Bhajju Gond.<\/li>\n<li>Dhaiya, one of six children (five sons and a daughter), was denied her share, <strong>as tribal custom excluded women from ancestral property<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The Trial Court and First Appellate Court dismissed the plea, also rejecting arguments that Hindu traditions and the Hindu Succession Act should apply, citing lack of evidence.<\/li>\n<li>However, the Chhattisgarh High Court granted Dhaiya\u2019s heirs an equal share, ruling that <strong><u>customs denying women property rights perpetuate gender discrimination<\/u><\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The Court emphasized that such discrimination must be weeded out by law.<\/li>\n<li>This marked a departure from the <strong>1996 <em>Madhu Kishwar vs State of Bihar<\/em> case<\/strong>, where the Supreme Court, while recognising gender disparity in tribal inheritance customs, declined to strike them down, fearing legal chaos.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Customary Laws and Tribal Women\u2019s Land Rights<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>In <strong>Scheduled Five Area<\/strong> States like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Odisha, tribal communities follow customary laws in matters of marriage, succession, and adoption.<\/li>\n<li>Despite women contributing more to farm work, these customs deny them inheritance rights in ancestral property.<\/li>\n<li>Data from the Agriculture Census 2015-16 shows only <strong><u>7% of Scheduled Tribe women own land, compared to 83.3% of men<\/u><\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Arguments against granting women rights often cite land as communitarian property or fears of alienation if women marry non-tribal men.<\/li>\n<li>However, money from land sales rarely benefits the gram sabha, undermining this reasoning.<\/li>\n<li>Courts stress that <strong>customs must meet tests of antiquity, certainty, continuity, reasonableness, and alignment with public policy to be valid<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>In 2022, the Jharkhand High Court upheld inheritance rights for Oraon women in <strong><em>Prabha Minz vs Martha Ekka<\/em><\/strong>, ruling that the community failed to prove a continuous custom of excluding daughters from property rights.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Need for a Separate Tribal Succession Act<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The Supreme Court, in <em>Kamala Neti (Dead) Thr. Lrs. vs Special Land Acquisition Officer<\/em> (December 2022), took a progressive step toward gender parity in tribal women\u2019s property rights.<\/li>\n<li>Since Section 2(2) of the Hindu Succession Act, 2005 excludes tribal communities, a dedicated <strong>Tribal Succession Act<\/strong> could address this gap.<\/li>\n<li>Codifying tribal succession laws, similar to those for Hindus and Christians, would ensure clarity, reduce gender discrimination, and provide statutory inheritance rights for tribal women, strengthening equality and justice.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Ensuring equal property rights for tribal women requires codifying succession laws, reforming discriminatory customs, and embracing legal measures that uphold justice, equality, and inclusive development.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Property Rights, Tribals and the Gender Parity Gap FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> What was the significance of the Ram Charan vs Sukhram judgment?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> The judgment affirmed that excluding daughters from ancestral property violates fundamental equality rights, setting a precedent against gender discrimination in tribal inheritance customs.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> How do customary laws in Scheduled Five Area States affect tribal women?<\/p>\n<p>Customary laws deny women inheritance rights despite their larger contribution to farm work, perpetuating gender disparity in land ownership among Scheduled Tribes.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> What data reflects the land ownership gap between tribal men and women?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>The Agriculture Census 2015-16 shows only 16.7% of tribal women own land compared to 83.3% of tribal men, highlighting stark inequality.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> How did the Jharkhand High Court ruling in Prabha Minz vs Martha Ekka impact women\u2019s rights?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>The court upheld Oraon women\u2019s inheritance rights, rejecting claims of continuous custom excluding daughters, reinforcing that customs must align with equality and public policy.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> Why is a Tribal Succession Act considered necessary?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Since the Hindu Succession Act excludes tribals, a separate Tribal Succession Act would codify inheritance rights, reduce discrimination, and secure equality for tribal women.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/property-rights-tribals-and-the-gender-parity-gap\/article70042998.ece#:~:text=The%20Supreme%20Court%20took%20an,rights%20among%20the%20tribal%20women.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">TH<\/a><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Building Sovereign Capability in Critical Technologies &#8211; India\u2019s Talent Imperative<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Critical technologies <\/strong>are increasingly<strong> shaping global power hierarchies<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>While <strong>India <\/strong>has made significant strides in science and technology, its <strong>research ecosystem reveals imbalances<\/strong> in talent attraction, institutional mechanisms, and quality of breakthroughs.<\/li>\n<li>The challenge is not numbers, but the capacity to attract and embed top-tier researchers in mission-driven domains that<strong> ensure strategic autonomy.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>India\u2019s Current Research Profile:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>India <\/strong>accounts for <strong>only 2.5% of highly cited papers<\/strong> and 2% of global top-cited scientists (Stanford\u2013Elsevier report).<\/li>\n<li>India ranks in the top five in 29 technologies, but <strong>lacks consistent global breakthroughs<\/strong> due to a <strong>fragmented ecosystem<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Restrictions <\/strong>on high-tech transfers from the US and China exacerbate the gap.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Global Dynamics and Emerging Window of Opportunity:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>China: <\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>It not only dominates 37 of 44 critical technologies (ASPI) but also converts this into sovereign strength through aggressive talent recruitment.<\/li>\n<li>Through the <strong>Young Thousand Talents Program<\/strong>, China recruited 3,500 scientists, resulting in exponential growth in research output and institutional rankings.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>US:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Decline in research funding:<\/strong> The Trump administration has announced budget cuts of over <strong>50%<\/strong> for federal science grant-making bodies such as the National Science Foundation and NASA.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Limited tenure opportunities:<\/strong> Only 15% of STEM PhDs secure tenure track jobs within five years, down from 25% two decades ago.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Visa restrictions<\/strong>: Tightened visa regimes have left many Indian-origin PhDs and postdoctoral fellows stranded.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Europe\u2019s strategy:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>France announced a \u20ac100 million fund to attract global researchers.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>India\u2019s Policy Landscape:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Anusandhan National Research Foundation (ANRF):<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Through the <strong>Rs 1 lakh crore<\/strong> Research and Development Innovation <strong>Fund<\/strong>, the government has (for the first time in decades) committed <strong>large-scale, mission-oriented investments<\/strong> in science.<\/li>\n<li>This has been coupled with rapid <strong>Ease of Doing Science<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Weaknesses:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Despite multiple fellowship schemes, India has <strong>not been very successful in attracting and retaining global academic talent<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Compensation <\/strong>remains uncompetitive compared to global benchmarks, world-class <strong>laboratories <\/strong>and sustained <strong>research grants<\/strong> are often absent.<\/li>\n<li>Also, there are <strong>no clear pathways <\/strong>for long-term absorption or career progression.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Recruitment <\/strong>has <strong>not been tied to mission-oriented research streams<\/strong> in areas where India must develop sovereign capability.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Focused Research Organisations (FRO) Model:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Key features:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Establishing <\/strong>a limited number of FROs embedded in Institutes of National Importance with proven expertise (e.g., IIT Delhi for quantum communication).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Structured <\/strong>as Section 8 companies with 51% industry participation, creating a public\u2013private\u2013academy partnership.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Attract <\/strong>500 top-class researchers in 5 years, prioritising early-career talent.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Ensure integration <\/strong>of existing Indian academics via joint appointments, rotational leadership, and project-based entry.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Strategic domains of focus:<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Focus areas<\/strong>: Domains that will <strong>define strategic autonomy<\/strong> in the decades ahead are <strong>semiconductors, propulsion and hypersonics, synthetic biology, quantum communication<\/strong>, etc.<\/li>\n<li><strong>IIT Delhi milestone: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>In collaboration with DRDO, it has recently achieved a milestone in quantum entanglement-based free-space <strong>quantum secure communication<\/strong> over distances exceeding 1 km.<\/li>\n<li>This stands out as <strong>a natural anchor for a national FRO<\/strong> on quantum communication. This model has four distinct design principles.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Four design principles:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Globally competitive<\/strong> compensation through pooled resources.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Strategic focus<\/strong> on sovereign capability in select domains.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Hybrid ecosystem<\/strong> combining global expertise, indigenous knowledge, and industry resources.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Institutional permanence<\/strong> with predictable funding and talent pathways.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>India stands at a crossroads<\/strong> in its technological sovereignty journey.<\/li>\n<li><strong>External shifts<\/strong> in the global research landscape <strong>offer a rare window to attract and embed top-tier researchers. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>Establishing FROs is vital<\/strong> to ensure long-term capability-building, sovereign autonomy, and economic competitiveness.<\/li>\n<li>Delay in action risks losing a generation of scientific talent and deepening dependence on foreign powers.<\/li>\n<li>The choice is clear: <strong>invest now<\/strong> in talent-driven critical technologies, or embracing long-term technological dependence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Building Sovereign Capability in Critical Technologies FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. Why is India\u2019s research profile considered imbalanced?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Because India lacks an ecosystem for consistent global breakthroughs and high-quality research, despite having numbers and talent.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. How has China successfully converted scientific research into sovereign technological strength?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. By aggressively recruiting global talent through initiatives like the Young Thousand Talents Program and focusing on mission-driven research.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What global factors have created a window of opportunity for India to attract top scientific talent?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. US science funding cuts, limited STEM career pathways, tightened visa regimes, and Europe\u2019s aggressive researcher recruitment drive.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. What structural gaps hinder India\u2019s ability to attract and retain global academic talent?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Uncompetitive compensation, absence of world-class labs, fragmented recruitment, and lack of mission-oriented research pathways.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. How can Focused Research Organisations (FROs) contribute to India\u2019s strategic autonomy in critical technologies?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. By creating permanent, mission-driven, industry-backed institutions that attract top global researchers and build sovereign capabilities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/donald-trumps-crackdown-on-science-gives-india-a-great-opportunity-10246601\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 13 September 2025 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":50653,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":{"0":"post-63326","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-daily-editorial-analysis","8":"tag-daily-editorial-analysis","9":"tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","10":"tag-the-indian-express-analysis","11":"no-featured-image-padding"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/63326","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=63326"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/63326\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/50653"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=63326"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=63326"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=63326"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}