{"id":74941,"date":"2025-11-25T10:48:17","date_gmt":"2025-11-25T05:18:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=74941"},"modified":"2025-11-25T10:48:17","modified_gmt":"2025-11-25T05:18:17","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-25-november-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-25-november-2025\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 25 November 2025"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>The Amplitude of Gubernatorial Discretion<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Walter Bagehot\u2019s reminder that the British monarch <strong>has no veto<\/strong> and must even sign <strong>her own death-warrant<\/strong> underscores the democratic expectation that the nominal head of state functions without independent political will.<\/li>\n<li>This principle illuminates the contemporary debate over the role of the <strong>Indian Governor<\/strong> under <strong>Article 200<\/strong>, where ambiguity about discretion has repeatedly strained Centre\u2013State relations.<\/li>\n<li>The Supreme Court\u2019s recent advisory opinion attempts clarification, yet its implications reveal deeper tensions between constitutional design and political practice.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Historical Foundations and Constitutional Intent<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <strong>Government of India Act, 1935<\/strong> vested substantial discretionary power in Governors, including the ability to <strong>assent<\/strong>, <strong>withhold assent<\/strong>, or <strong>return Bills<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The framers of the Indian Constitution consciously departed from this colonial model.<\/li>\n<li>During the evolution of draft Article 175, the Constituent Assembly <strong>removed references to discretion<\/strong>, signalling a commitment to a parliamentary system in which the Governor acts on the <strong>aid and advice of the Council of Ministers<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>This intended transformation placed the Governor as a figurehead akin to Bagehot\u2019s constitutional monarch, with no personal political mandate.<\/li>\n<li>Yet practice has never fully aligned with this vision.<\/li>\n<li>Shifts in political alliances, party discipline, and the potential for partisan interference have kept the question of gubernatorial authority unresolved and often contentious.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Judicial Interpretation and the Expansion of Discretion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The Supreme Court recently considered whether the Governor possesses <strong>implied discretion<\/strong> under Article 200 and whether <strong>timelines<\/strong> can be imposed for decisions on Bills.<\/li>\n<li>The Court affirmed that discretion exists in <strong>assenting<\/strong>, <strong>withholding<\/strong>, or <strong>reserving Bills<\/strong>, and concluded that mandatory timelines cannot be judicially prescribed. Judicial review is limited to cases of <strong>prolonged, unexplained, or indefinite delay<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>This stance reintroduces discretionary space that the framers had consciously excluded. The Court argued that the <strong>anti-defection law<\/strong> and strict party whips ensure unified legislative action, making it unlikely that a Bill could pass without cabinet support.<\/li>\n<li>Therefore, the Governor may need discretion if advice is <strong>unconstitutional or contrary to the text<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>However, this reasoning overlooks politically plausible scenarios where <strong>coalitions shift<\/strong>, and a new ministry may legitimately reconsider a Bill passed under a previous alliance.<\/li>\n<li>Constitutional advisor <strong> N. Rau<\/strong> noted such situations, cautioning against assumptions of stable legislative intent.<\/li>\n<li>Moreover, safeguards already exist: a Governor confronted with blatantly unconstitutional advice may act under <strong>Article 356<\/strong> without relying on ministerial recommendation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Political Realities and Institutional Friction<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Expansive discretion becomes problematic in a political context where Governors are often perceived as extensions of the <strong>Union executive<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Soli Sorabjee\u2019s<\/strong> criticism of the office becoming a <strong>consolation prize for burnt-out politicians<\/strong> highlights concerns about impartiality.<\/li>\n<li>When different parties control the Union and the State, the Governor\u2019s actions, particularly strategic delays or reservations of Bills, can escalate tensions.<\/li>\n<li>Historical evidence shows repeated misuse of delays. Former Karnataka Chief Minister <strong>Ramakrishna Hegde<\/strong> documented that <strong>74 Bills<\/strong> awaited presidential assent for years, with some pending for <strong>six to seven years<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Such delays amount to a <strong>de facto veto<\/strong>, despite the Constitution providing none.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Risks of Over-Broad Discretion: Toward Gubernatorial Governance?<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>By affirming implied discretion and placing many actions <strong>beyond judicial review<\/strong>, the Court\u2019s opinion risks enabling a form of <strong>gubernatorial governance<\/strong> where unelected officers influence legislative outcomes.<\/li>\n<li>This development contradicts the democratic architecture in which the <strong>legislature<\/strong> and its <strong>accountable executive<\/strong> should dominate policy-making.<\/li>\n<li>Doctrinal uncertainty also emerges. The advisory opinion diverges from reasoning in the earlier <strong>Tamil Nadu case<\/strong>, potentially encouraging broader assertions of discretion unless constitutional amendments define tighter boundaries.<\/li>\n<li>A system that permits significant delays or unilateral gubernatorial decisions threatens the federal balance and weakens the authority of elected State governments.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>A Path Forward: Timelines and Reduced Discretion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A stable federal structure requires clearer limits on gubernatorial authority.<\/li>\n<li>Introducing <strong>constitutional timelines<\/strong> for assent would prevent obstruction through delay and enhance transparency.<\/li>\n<li>Reinforcing the principle that discretion exists only in the <strong>narrow exceptions<\/strong> envisaged by the framers would restore alignment with parliamentary conventions.<\/li>\n<li>Additionally, revisiting the <strong>mode of appointment<\/strong>, as recommended by multiple commissions, would mitigate perceptions of partisanship and strengthen institutional legitimacy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The relationship between the legislature and the constitutional head in a parliamentary system demands clarity, restraint, and respect for democratic accountability.<\/li>\n<li>Gubernatorial authority under Article 200 remains one of the most significant unresolved constitutional challenges in India.<\/li>\n<li>Without reforms, especially <strong>defined timelines<\/strong> and <strong>narrowed discretion<\/strong>, the risk persists that an office intended to be ceremonial will continue to shape legislation in ways neither envisioned by the framers nor conducive to healthy federalism.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Amplitude of Gubernatorial Discretion\u00a0FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Q1. <\/strong>What constitutional issue arises from Article 200 regarding the Governor\u2019s role?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> The issue arises from the ambiguity over the Governor\u2019s discretionary power in assenting to or delaying Bills passed by the State legislature.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> Why did the framers remove references to discretion from the draft Article 175?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>They removed those references to ensure the Governor functions as a ceremonial head who acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>What concern is raised by prolonged delays in granting assent to Bills?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Prolonged delays create a de facto veto that undermines democratic decision-making and disrupts State governance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>How does political partisanship affect the functioning of the Governor\u2019s office?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> Political partisanship affects the office because Governors are often perceived as aligned with the Union, creating friction when the State is ruled by an opposing party.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> What reform is suggested to reduce conflicts between the State and the Governor?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>A reform suggested is the introduction of clear constitutional timelines for the Governor\u2019s actions on Bills.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/the-amplitude-of-gubernatorial-discretion\/article70318632.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Bridging India&#8217;s Numeracy Gap<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 emphasises Foundational Literacy and Numeracy (FLN) as the basis for all future learning.<\/li>\n<li>Through the NIPUN Bharat Mission, this vision has shifted from focusing on inputs to prioritising measurable learning outcomes.<\/li>\n<li>As a result, <strong>foundational learning<\/strong> \u2014 stagnant for years \u2014 is now showing notable improvement, as seen in both government and independent assessments.<\/li>\n<li>However, a significant challenge remains: numeracy is consistently<strong> weaker <\/strong>than literacy. ASER 2024 highlights this gap \u2014 while 48.7% of Class 5 students can read fluently, only 30.7% can solve a basic division problem.<\/li>\n<li>Importantly, no State in India reports higher numeracy scores than literacy. This persistent disparity makes strengthening numeracy essential for achieving comprehensive foundational learning.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Why Numeracy Lags Behind: The Cumulative Nature of Math<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Mathematics is hierarchical \u2014 each new concept depends on mastering earlier ones.<\/li>\n<li>If foundational ideas like place value are not understood in early grades, students struggle later with addition, decimals, and more complex operations.<\/li>\n<li>Unlike language, partial understanding doesn\u2019t allow progress in math, so gaps expand over time.<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Curriculum Progression vs. Learning Levels<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Traditional syllabus-driven teaching moves ahead regardless of whether students have understood earlier concepts.<\/li>\n<li>Evidence from Teaching at the Right Level (Pratham) shows that instruction must match the child\u2019s learning level, not the textbook.<\/li>\n<li>Without such alignment, most learners fall behind, widening learning disparities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Real-Life Application Gap<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Research reveals a disconnect between classroom math and everyday problem-solving.<\/li>\n<li>Students who perform well on school math tests struggle with market-based calculations.<\/li>\n<li>Children familiar with real-world arithmetic (e.g., shop work) often cannot transfer these skills to classroom-style math problems.<\/li>\n<li>This two-way gap underscores the need for integrated, practical learning.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Consequences of Weak Numeracy<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Poor foundational numeracy leads to difficulties in math and science, both of which have higher failure rates in board exams.<\/li>\n<li>Many students drop out in middle or secondary school not due to lack of interest, but because learning gaps make classroom teaching incomprehensible.<\/li>\n<li>Fear of math blocks access to higher education for many who cannot clear Class 10 or leave school earlier.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Extend Foundational Interventions Beyond Class 3<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>The current FLN focus up to Class 3 is insufficient since 70% of Class 5 and over 50% of Class 8 students still cannot do basic division.<\/li>\n<li>Extending interventions up to Class 8 \u2014 as successfully demonstrated in Dadra &amp; Nagar Haveli and Daman &amp; Diu \u2014 is essential to bridge learning gaps, especially after COVID-19 disruptions.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Introduce FLN+ Skills for Higher Grades<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Beyond foundational numeracy, upper primary children need fractions, decimals, percentages, ratios and integers to succeed in board exams and progress academically.<\/li>\n<li>With most Class 5 students unable to do division, they also lack these higher-level skills \u2014 making FLN+ indispensable.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Reform Pedagogy to Match Learning Levels<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Teaching must shift from rigid, grade-based syllabi to activity-based, child-friendly methods used in FLN.<\/li>\n<li>Instruction should be aligned with students\u2019 learning levels, not just the curriculum, especially at higher grades where gaps widen sharply.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Integrate Real-Life Problem-Solving<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Classrooms should embed numeracy and literacy in real-life contexts.<\/li>\n<li>Connecting learning to everyday situations strengthens comprehension, improves transfer of skills, and increases student engagement.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Why This Matters: Urgency for India\u2019s Future<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The numeracy gap deepens as students advance through school and leads to:\n<ul>\n<li>poor learning outcomes,<\/li>\n<li>high board exam failure rates,<\/li>\n<li>rising dropouts, and<\/li>\n<li>weakened employability and equity.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>NIPUN Bharat Mission<\/strong> has proven that large-scale improvement is possible.<\/li>\n<li>The next step is to expand this progress to <strong>upper primary classes and FLN+<\/strong>, ensuring continuity of learning and preparing students for future academic and economic opportunities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Bridging India&#8217;s Numeracy Gap FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> Why does numeracy lag behind literacy in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Numeracy lags because math is cumulative; missing early concepts like place value blocks progress. Traditional syllabus-based teaching advances too quickly, widening learning gaps over time.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> How does real-life application influence numeracy learning?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Studies show students often fail to apply school math in real-life situations, while real-world arithmetic skills don\u2019t easily transfer to classroom problems, highlighting a two-way disconnect.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> What are the consequences of weak foundational numeracy?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Weak numeracy leads to difficulties in math and science, higher board exam failures, rising dropouts, and reduced access to higher education, limiting long-term opportunities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> Why must foundational interventions extend beyond Class 3?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>Since most Class 5 and half of Class 8 students cannot do basic division, interventions must continue through middle school to close persistent and widening gaps.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> What reforms are essential to strengthen numeracy outcomes?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans. <\/strong>India needs FLN+ skills, activity-based teaching aligned to learning levels, and real-life problem-solving integration to improve comprehension and ensure lasting numeracy gains.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/bridging-indias-numeracy-gap\/article70318354.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">TH<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Modernising India\u2019s Labour Regulation &#8211; Significance of the New Labour Codes<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India has replaced 29 fragmented labour laws with four <strong>consolidated <\/strong>Labour Codes\u2014wages, social security, industrial relations, and occupational safety &amp; health.<\/li>\n<li>The reform seeks to <strong>reduce regulatory complexity<\/strong>, encourage formalisation, and enhance ease of doing business, forming an institutional pillar for <strong>Viksit Bharat 2047<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Background and Rationale for Reform<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Fragmented regulatory landscape<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Earlier labour regimes evolved without coordination, resulting in inconsistencies across definitions, thresholds, and state-level rules.<\/li>\n<li>This generated ambiguity, compliance burden, and \u201c<strong>interpretive fog<\/strong>\u201d.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Consolidation into four codes<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Uniform definitions across states.<\/li>\n<li>Written appointment letters mandatory.<\/li>\n<li>Clearer rules for timely wage payments.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Recognition of gig and platform workers.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Updated health, safety, and working conditions.<\/li>\n<li>National-level simplified compliance architecture.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Transforming the Business Environment<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Closing the \u201cTax on Scale\u201d<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Ambiguity earlier acted as a <strong>disincentive to growth<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Firms stayed small to avoid triggering new compliance thresholds, leading to \u201c<strong>missing middle<\/strong>\u201d phenomenon.<\/li>\n<li>Uniform rules reduce uncertainty, enabling expansion across states.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Enhancing ease of doing business<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Predictability <\/strong>matters more than subsidies.<\/li>\n<li>Lower risk of accidental non-compliance will boost investor confidence.<\/li>\n<li>Simplified registration, single licence, and unified national returns <strong>reduce administrative friction.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Promoting Formalisation and Labour-Market Efficiency<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Strengthening formal employment<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Appointment letters and clear wage definitions discourage informal arrangements.<\/li>\n<li>Improves worker retention, skill development, and productivity.<\/li>\n<li>Better <strong>workforce planning <\/strong>for firms.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Digital and platform economy inclusion<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Recognises gig and platform workers for the <strong>first time<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>By opening pathways to social protection, the Codes reduce the disconnect between the structure of work and the structure of regulation.<\/li>\n<li>This brings India in line with many <strong>OECD <\/strong>economies, better equipped to sustain <strong>innovation<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Women\u2019s labour-force participation<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Relaxation of restrictions on night work with safety provisions, expanding economic opportunities and supporting inclusive growth.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Economic Logic &#8211; Lowering Transaction Costs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>High transaction costs previously: <\/strong>Firms avoided hiring, formalisation, and expansion. Compliance complexity was a shadow tax on business.<\/li>\n<li><strong>New compliance architecture: <\/strong>Clearer rules, online systems, and uniform standards reduce friction. Encourages formal economic behaviour and sustainable enterprise growth.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Institutional Importance<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Earlier regime<\/strong>: Fragmented laws resulted in risk-averse, defensive firms.<\/li>\n<li><strong>New regime<\/strong>: Coherent, predictable framework will lead to ambitious, growth-oriented behaviour.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Institutions shape economic behaviour<\/strong>: Supports a modern, competitive labour market aligned with economic transformation goals.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Challenges Ahead<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Implementation bottlenecks<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>States must notify rules in harmony with the Centre.<\/li>\n<li>Robust digital platforms required for registration and compliance.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Inspectorate reforms<\/strong> needed to prevent discretion-based enforcement.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Awareness gaps<\/strong> among MSMEs and workers.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Transition management<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Shift from legacy systems to new Codes may initially create confusion. Ensuring social protection coverage for gig\/platform workers is a long-term challenge.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Strengthen state capacity <\/strong>to implement rules uniformly.<\/li>\n<li>Ensure seamless <strong>digital integration <\/strong>for registration, licensing, and compliance.<\/li>\n<li>Build <strong>awareness and training<\/strong> for MSMEs, start-ups, gig workers, and labour officers.<\/li>\n<li>Promote <strong>social security portability<\/strong>, especially for gig\/platform workforce.<\/li>\n<li>Continuous <strong>feedback <\/strong>loops to refine Codes based on ground realities.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Gender-sensitive infrastructure<\/strong> to support increased female labour participation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s four Labour Codes mark<strong> a historic institutional shift<\/strong>, replacing outdated and fragmented statutes with a coherent, predictable, and modern labour framework.<\/li>\n<li>They promote formalisation, reduce compliance uncertainty, support women and gig workers, and strengthen the ease of doing business\u2014key pillars for building a Viksit Bharat 2047.<\/li>\n<li>While successful implementation remains critical, the Codes lay a <strong>strong foundation <\/strong>for an inclusive, competitive, and resilient labour market that benefits both workers and entrepreneurs.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>New Labour Codes FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. How do the new Labour Codes address the \u201cmissing middle\u201d problem in India\u2019s industrial structure?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. By providing uniform definitions, predictable rules, and simplified compliance, the Labour Codes remove scale-related regulatory disincentives.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. How the Labour Codes strengthen the ease of doing business in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. They reduce regulatory ambiguity through unified registration, single licences, and clear compliance norms.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What is the significance of recognising gig and platform workers under the new Labour Codes?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Recognition extends social security pathways to a fast-growing workforce segment, aligning India\u2019s labour regulation with global trends.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. In what way do the Labour Codes support formalisation and labour-market efficiency?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Mandatory appointment letters, harmonised wage definitions, and uniform categories reduce informal arrangements.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. Why is effective implementation critical for realising the benefits of the new Labour Codes?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Because uniform state rules, non-discretionary enforcement are essential to ensure that Codes translate into tangible economic and labour-market gains.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/middle-class-new-labour-codes-10381532\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 25 November 2025 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":50653,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":{"0":"post-74941","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-daily-editorial-analysis","8":"tag-daily-editorial-analysis","9":"tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","10":"tag-the-indian-express-analysis","11":"no-featured-image-padding"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/74941","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=74941"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/74941\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/50653"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=74941"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=74941"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=74941"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}