{"id":76160,"date":"2025-12-03T11:20:27","date_gmt":"2025-12-03T05:50:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=76160"},"modified":"2025-12-03T11:20:27","modified_gmt":"2025-12-03T05:50:27","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-3-december-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-3-december-2025\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 3 December 2025"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>The Dismal State of India\u2019s Environment<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>From the degrading ridges of the Aravalli range to the hazardous smog of the National Capital Region and the alarming spread of groundwater contamination across northern states, a web of interconnected <strong>ecological emergencies<\/strong> is unfolding.<\/li>\n<li>While each of these developments may appear geographically and thematically distinct, together they paint a picture of systematic neglect and exploitation of the nation\u2019s ecological foundations.<\/li>\n<li>Together, these developments reveal a pattern of <strong>regulatory dilution extractive policymaking<\/strong> that threatens both the environment and public health.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Aravalli Crisis: A Symbol of Systemic Exploitation<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The Aravalli range, stretching from Gujarat to Haryana, has served for millennia as a natural barrier against desertification, a cradle of biodiversity, and <strong>a foundation of cultural history<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Yet illegal mining has already stripped large sections of these ancient hills.<\/li>\n<li>The recent decision to exclude elevations below 100 metres from mining protections effectively provides <strong>a licence to destroy nearly 90% of the range<\/strong>, inviting further degradation.<\/li>\n<li>This move prioritises short-term commercial extraction over long-term ecological stability, threatening to accelerate desertification and undermine regional climate resilience.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Air Pollution and Public Health: A Slow-Motion Emergency<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Northern India continues to face <strong>one of the world\u2019s most severe air-quality crises<\/strong>, with Delhi entering its annual smog season marked by dense clouds of particulate matter, dust, and toxic emissions.<\/li>\n<li>This recurrent haze has evolved into <strong>a full-scale public health emergency<\/strong>, with estimates of up to 34,000 pollution-related deaths annually in just ten major cities.<\/li>\n<li>Despite this, air-quality initiatives remain underfunded, inconsistently implemented, and administratively fragmented, reflecting a failure to treat air pollution as the urgent national crisis that it is.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Groundwater Contamination: An Emerging Catastrophe<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Groundwater assessments have revealed <strong>dangerously high uranium levels<\/strong> in significant portions of Delhi, Punjab, and Haryana\u2019s water supplies.<\/li>\n<li>Chronic exposure to uranium can cause <strong>serious kidney damage, developmental issues, and long-term cancer risks<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The presence of such contaminants signals deep failures in water monitoring, aquifer protection, and environmental oversight.<\/li>\n<li>This is not an isolated concern but part of a widening pattern of soil degradation, unchecked borewell drilling, and regulatory inertia.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Policy Dilution and Regulatory Weakening<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A decade of legislative and executive decisions has contributed to the erosion of India\u2019s environmental safeguards. Key examples include:\n<ul>\n<li><strong>The Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023<\/strong>, which created expansive exemptions from forest clearances.<\/li>\n<li><strong>The Draft EIA Notification 2020<\/strong>, which sought to reduce public scrutiny, expand exemptions, and weaken compliance requirements.<\/li>\n<li><strong>The Coastal Regulation Zone Notification 2018<\/strong>, which relaxed construction restrictions in sensitive coastal ecosystems.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>These measures collectively represent <strong>a sustained weakening of transparency, <\/strong>accountability, and precaution, enabling large-scale diversion of natural resources.<\/li>\n<li>Parallel to this regulatory dilution, political funding patterns have raised concerns about environmental policymaking being influenced by corporate interests, further undermining public trust.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Marginalising Communities: A Counterproductive Approach<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Local and indigenous communities, historically central to ecological stewardship, have increasingly been portrayed as obstacles to conservation.<\/li>\n<li>Authorities have attributed forest loss to the implementation of community rights, despite evidence that forests managed by indigenous groups are often more resilient.<\/li>\n<li>Proposals such as the eviction of <strong>65,000 families from tiger reserves<\/strong> contradict the principle that relocations must be voluntary and mutually beneficial.<\/li>\n<li>This adversarial approach weakens conservation outcomes while <strong>eroding the rights and knowledge <\/strong>systems of forest-dependent communities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Way Forward: Toward a New Environmental Compact<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A sustainable path forward requires a comprehensive reorientation of environmental governance.<\/li>\n<li><strong>First<\/strong>, India must resolve to <strong>halt ongoing ecological destruction<\/strong>.\n<ul>\n<li>This includes stopping large-scale deforestation in Great Nicobar, Hasdeo Aranya, and the Himalayan belt, and launching strong crackdowns on <strong>illegal mining and unregulated development<\/strong> in eco-sensitive regions.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Second<\/strong>, environmental laws weakened in recent years must be <strong>reviewed and, where necessary, reversed<\/strong>.\n<ul>\n<li>Post-facto environmental clearances should be discontinued, and institutions like the <strong>National Green Tribunal<\/strong> must be restored to full capacity and independence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Third<\/strong>, environmental management must operate through <strong>cooperative federalism<\/strong>, particularly on issues such as air pollution and groundwater contamination that cross state boundaries.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s deepening environmental crises arise not from natural inevitabilities but from policy choices that undervalue ecological security.<\/li>\n<li>Protecting the nation&#8217;s future requires an environmental philosophy grounded in the rule of law, partnership with local communities, and <strong>recognition of the inextricable link between ecological health and human development<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Only through such a transformative approach can India build a safer, more resilient, and more equitable future.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Dismal State of India\u2019s Environment FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Q1. <\/strong>Why is the Aravalli range considered ecologically important?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The Aravalli range is ecologically important because it prevents desertification, supports biodiversity, and stabilises the regional climate.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2. <\/strong>What makes air pollution in northern India a public health emergency?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>It is a public health emergency because toxic smog causes thousands of premature deaths every year.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>What did recent groundwater studies reveal in Delhi, Punjab, and Haryana?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Recent studies revealed dangerously high levels of uranium in groundwater across these regions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>How have environmental regulations been weakened in recent years?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Environmental regulations have been weakened through amendments and notifications that expand exemptions, reduce oversight, and limit public participation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>What approach is needed to restore environmental governance in India?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India needs a cooperative, law-based approach that protects ecosystems, empowers local communities, and reverses harmful policy changes.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/the-dismal-state-of-indias-environment\/article70350267.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>A Template for Security Cooperation in the Indian Ocean<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The convening of the <strong>7th National Security Advisor\u2013level summit<\/strong> of the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) on November 20, 2025, marked a pivotal moment in the security landscape of the Indian Ocean.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Hosted by India<\/strong> and chaired by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, the summit gathered senior representatives from Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Mauritius, Bangladesh, Seychelles, and Malaysia.<\/li>\n<li>The meeting underscored the <strong>CSC\u2019s growing relevance as a regional security forum<\/strong> committed to cooperative approaches within a strategically vital maritime space.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Origins and Reinvigoration of the CSC<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Formed in 2011 as a trilateral grouping between India, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives, the CSC initially struggled to sustain momentum due to political changes and<strong> limited convergence on security priorities<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Its revival in 2020 represented a turning point, expanding its scope across <strong>maritime security, <\/strong>counterterrorism, trafficking and organised crime, and cybersecurity.<\/li>\n<li>Subsequent membership growth, Mauritius in 2022, Bangladesh in 2024, and Seychelles in 2025, reflected increasing regional confidence in the Conclave\u2019s purpose.<\/li>\n<li>This expansion has gradually transformed the CSC into one of the <strong>most active security-focused mechanisms<\/strong> in the Indian Ocean.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>A Region in Flux: The Geopolitical Backdrop<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The 2025 summit occurred amid significant shifts<strong> in the Indo-Pacific\u2019s maritime and security frameworks<\/strong>, marked by fragmented institutions and intensifying great-power competition.<\/li>\n<li>In this context, the CSC stands out as a regionally anchored platform capable of addressing shared vulnerabilities.<\/li>\n<li>For India, the Conclave serves as an essential tool to stabilise its maritime neighbourhood and enhance coordination at a time when <strong>the geopolitical balance <\/strong>is being reshaped by increased Chinese activity in the Indian Ocean.<\/li>\n<li>The CSC\u2019s focus on <strong>non-traditional security challenges<\/strong>, including illegal fishing, drug trafficking, and maritime terrorism, positions it as a uniquely adaptive body suited to the region\u2019s emerging needs.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Development\u2013Security Nexus<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>For many littoral states, <strong>security concerns are inseparable <\/strong>from developmental priorities.<\/li>\n<li>Dependence on the ocean for trade, fisheries, and economic growth means that maritime threats directly affect national resilience.<\/li>\n<li>Issues such as trafficking networks<strong>, marine environmental degradation, and climate-driven disruptions<\/strong> carry heavy developmental consequences.<\/li>\n<li>Strengthening maritime surveillance, enhancing domain awareness, and improving emergency response capabilities allow CSC members to pursue security and development goals simultaneously.<\/li>\n<li>This dual focus strengthens the rationale for deeper cooperation and helps smaller states <strong>translate security gains <\/strong>into economic opportunities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Key Outcomes and Strategic Significance of the 2025 Summit<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>First, the accession of Seychelles as a full member signalled <strong>deepening regional commitment<\/strong> to the CSC\u2019s mandate.<\/li>\n<li>Second, India leveraged the summit to <strong>consolidate ties with maritime neighbours<\/strong> amid heightened geostrategic uncertainty.<\/li>\n<li>Third, the meeting demonstrated that <strong>security cooperation is emerging as a central pillar of regional integration<\/strong>, particularly for addressing transnational maritime challenges.<\/li>\n<li>Finally, Malaysia\u2019s participation as a guest opened possibilities for <strong>future expansion<\/strong>, suggesting that the CSC may evolve into a broader Indian Ocean security platform.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Enduring Challenges: Divergent Perceptions and Institutional Weakness<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Despite these gains, the CSC faces key challenges. The most prominent relates to <strong>divergent perceptions of China<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>India views China\u2019s expanding presence as a strategic concern, whereas many CSC members rely on Beijing as a vital economic partner and therefore do not frame China as a security threat.<\/li>\n<li>Managing this divergence will be essential for maintaining a cohesive agenda.<\/li>\n<li>A second challenge stems from the Conclave\u2019s <strong>limited institutional structure<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Operating primarily at the National Security Adviser level, the CSC lacks dedicated permanent bodies capable of ensuring continuity, policy alignment, and systematic implementation.<\/li>\n<li>Institutionalising working groups, standard procedures, and long-term cooperation mechanisms will be critical for sustained effectiveness.<\/li>\n<li>A third concern arises from <strong>domestic uncertainties in member-states<\/strong>, particularly Bangladesh. Political volatility could affect policy consistency and weaken the group\u2019s resilience.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The CSC has emerged as a <strong>promising and increasingly influential<\/strong> forum for enhancing security cooperation in the Indian Ocean.<\/li>\n<li>Its expanding membership, <strong>focus on non-traditional threats<\/strong>, and growing strategic relevance highlight its potential to address shared regional challenges.<\/li>\n<li>Its future success, however, depends on achieving <strong>greater cohesion, institutional resilience<\/strong>, and balanced threat perceptions.<\/li>\n<li>With sustained commitment, the CSC can evolve into a foundational pillar of security <strong>cooperation in an Indo-Pacific region<\/strong> undergoing rapid transformation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>A Template for Security Cooperation in the Indian Ocean FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1. <\/strong>Why was the 2025 CSC summit significant for the Indian Ocean region?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The 2025 CSC summit was significant because it strengthened regional cooperation at a time of major geopolitical shifts in the Indian Ocean.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2. <\/strong>Which new country joined the CSC as a full member in 2025?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Seychelles joined the CSC as a full member in 2025.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>What major concern shapes India\u2019s approach within the CSC?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India\u2019s approach is shaped by concerns over China\u2019s growing presence in the Indian Ocean.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>Why are maritime security and development linked for CSC member-states?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>They are linked because many member-states depend on the ocean for trade, livelihoods, and economic growth.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>What institutional challenge does the CSC currently face?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The CSC faces the challenge of lacking permanent institutional structures to ensure long-term policy coordination.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/a-template-for-security-cooperation-in-the-indian-ocean\/article70350316.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>The Hindu<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Haemophilia and the RPwD Act &#8211; Bridging the Gap Between Recognition and Entitlements<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The Supreme Court has issued a notice to the Central Government on a petition demanding explicit <strong>recognition of haemophilia<\/strong> under the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016 (RPwD Act).<\/li>\n<li>Despite being already listed within the Act\u2019s 21 recognised disabilities, individuals with haemophilia continue to be <strong>denied reservation<\/strong>, educational support, and welfare entitlements.<\/li>\n<li>The case highlights <strong>a deeper structural gap <\/strong>between legal recognition and actual inclusion in India\u2019s disability rights regime.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Evolution of Disability Law in India &#8211; From the 1995 Act to the 2016 RPwD Act<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Persons with Disabilities Act, 1995<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>It was enacted after India signed the \u201cProclamation on the Full Participation and Equality of People with Disabilities in the Asian and Pacific Region\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>Governed by a <strong>medicalised view<\/strong> of disability, it recognised only 7 disabilities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>It was introduced after India ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities <strong>(UNCRPD) in 2007<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Major reforms:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Shift from medical model to <strong>socio-medical model <\/strong>of disability.<\/li>\n<li>Expansion from 7 to <strong>21 <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Introduction of a rights-based framework ensuring equality, dignity, autonomy, and participation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Scope of Disabilities under RPwD Act, 2016<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Sensory and physical disabilities<\/strong>: Blindness, low vision, hearing impairment, locomotor disability, acid attack victims, dwarfism, cerebral palsy, leprosy-cured persons, speech and language disability.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Intellectual and psychosocial disabilities: <\/strong>Intellectual disability, mental illness, autism spectrum disorder, specific learning disabilities.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Neurological and neuromuscular conditions: <\/strong>Multiple sclerosis, Parkinson\u2019s disease, muscular dystrophy, chronic neurological disorders.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Blood-related and multiple disabilities:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Thalassaemia, haemophilia, sickle cell disease, multiple disabilities including deafblindness.<\/li>\n<li>Despite this explicit statutory recognition, haemophilia patients continue to face exclusion from benefits.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Rights vs. Entitlements &#8211; The Core Problem<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Rights available to all PwDs<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Equality and non-discrimination<\/li>\n<li>Protection from abuse\/violence<\/li>\n<li>Right to live in the community<\/li>\n<li>Inclusive education<\/li>\n<li>Accessible voting<\/li>\n<li>Access to justice<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Entitlements limited only to benchmark disabilities (40% or more of a specified disability)<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>5% reservation in higher education<\/li>\n<li>4% reservation in government jobs<\/li>\n<li>Free education (6\u201318 years)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>But, <\/strong>the 4% job reservation applies only to <strong>five <\/strong>specific categories, excluding haemophilia and similar conditions. These categories largely mirror the old 7 disabilities of the 1995 Act.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Structural Issues and Ongoing Exclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Visible vs invisible disabilities: <\/strong>Reservation prioritises disabilities that are outwardly visible. Conditions like haemophilia, sickle cell disease, multiple sclerosis, and epilepsy remain excluded despite severe functional limitations.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Legacy of the 1995 law: <\/strong>The reservation matrix still reflects the 1995 Act\u2019s narrow categories, undermining the expanded intent of the 2016 law.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Double disadvantage in employment: <\/strong>Persons with omitted disabilities face no reservation benefits, and rejection as \u201cmedically unfit\u201d in open competition, resulting in <strong>systemic exclusion<\/strong> from employment.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Why the Haemophilia Litigation Matters<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The case reveals <strong>a design flaw<\/strong> in India\u2019s disability rights architecture &#8211; despite such explicit statutory recognition, persons with rare blood disorders continue to face exclusion.<\/li>\n<li>The petition challenges the <strong>structural mismatch<\/strong> between &#8211; expanded disability recognition vs. static entitlements and reservation categories.<\/li>\n<li>A favourable verdict could &#8211;\n<ul>\n<li>Extend employment\/education entitlements to blood-disorder patients<\/li>\n<li>Realign the RPwD Act with its rights-based intent<\/li>\n<li>Strengthen social justice, equality, and non-discrimination principles<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Challenges<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Inadequate implementation of the expanded disability list<\/strong>: Despite legal recognition, institutional frameworks still follow legacy categories.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Lack of awareness among authorities:<\/strong> Recruiting bodies and education authorities hesitate to classify haemophilia patients as eligible for benefits.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Medical fitness norms: <\/strong>Rigid medical standards often invalidate applications from persons with blood disorders.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Absence of updated reservation guidelines<\/strong>: The reservation matrix has not evolved with the expanded definitions in the 2016 Act.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Social barriers and stigma:<\/strong> Stereotypes about \u201cinvisible\u201d conditions limit societal and institutional acceptance.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Update reservation categories: <\/strong>Revise Schedule 1 and job quota notifications to ensure all 21 disabilities, including haemophilia, fall under affirmative action schemes.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Alignment with UNCRPD principles: <\/strong>Policies must foreground accessibility, reasonable accommodation, dignity, and participation.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Sensitisation of recruiting agencies (e.g., UPSC, SSC)<\/strong>: Clear instructions on recognising benchmark disabilities across all categories.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Standardised medical assessment<\/strong>: Ensure uniform guidelines to evaluate haemophilia and other rare disorders for benchmark disability certificates.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Strengthen monitoring mechanisms: <\/strong>Empower the Chief Commissioner for PwDs and State Commissioners to ensure compliance.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The haemophilia case exposes <strong>a critical gap<\/strong> in India\u2019s disability governance: recognition without entitlement undermines true inclusion.<\/li>\n<li>The RPwD Act\u2019s progressive rights-based vision remains incomplete unless all disabilities\u2014visible or invisible\u2014receive equal access to employment, education, and social protection.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Addressing <\/strong>the structural misalignment between the law\u2019s intent and its implementation is essential for realising <strong>constitutional guarantees<\/strong> of equality, dignity, and social justice for persons with disabilities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Haemophilia and the RPwD Act FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. Why is the petition for including haemophilia under the RPwD Act significant?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Because haemophilia patients face exclusion from reservation and welfare entitlements.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. How did the RPwD Act, 2016 transform India\u2019s disability rights framework compared to the 1995 Act?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. It expanded recognised disabilities from 7 to 21, adopted a socio-medical model, and introduced a rights-based, UNCRPD-aligned approach.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What structural flaw in the reservation framework does the haemophilia case highlight?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. The reservation categories still mirror the old 1995 Act\u2019s narrow disability list, excluding several legally recognised disabilities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. Why do persons with \u201cinvisible disabilities\u201d like haemophilia face systematic exclusion from employment?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. They are excluded from PwBD reservations and simultaneously often deemed \u201cmedically unfit,\u201d leading to a double disadvantage.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. What core issue does the SC\u2019s intervention seek to address in the RPwD framework?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Ensuring that recognition under the Act is matched by entitlements, thereby translating the rights-based intent of the law into real, enforceable inclusion.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/disabilities-government-rights-disability-reservation-autism-10395937\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 3 December 2025 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":50653,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":{"0":"post-76160","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-daily-editorial-analysis","8":"tag-daily-editorial-analysis","9":"tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","10":"tag-the-indian-express-analysis","11":"no-featured-image-padding"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/76160","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=76160"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/76160\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/50653"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=76160"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=76160"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=76160"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}