{"id":80134,"date":"2025-12-29T11:20:52","date_gmt":"2025-12-29T05:50:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=80134"},"modified":"2025-12-29T11:20:52","modified_gmt":"2025-12-29T05:50:52","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-29-december-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-29-december-2025\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 29 December 2025"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>A Grand Vision and the Great Indian Research Deficit<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India stands at a defining juncture in its economic and technological journey; with a large population, expanding economy, and global aspirations, it appears poised for leadership.<\/li>\n<li>Yet, this promise is constrained by <strong>a chronic and structural deficit in research and development<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Without correcting this weakness, the vision of a Viksit Bharat risks remaining rhetorical rather than real.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Scale of the Deficit: A Stark Numerical Reality<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India is home to roughly 17.5% of the world\u2019s population but contributes <strong>only about 3% of global research output. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>This mismatch highlights the inability to convert demographic strength into knowledge leadership.<\/li>\n<li>Patent data reinforces the concern. Although India ranked <strong>sixth globally in patent filings in 2023<\/strong>, its share of worldwide applications remained below 2%.<\/li>\n<li>When adjusted for population, India\u2019s ranking drops sharply, revealing limited diffusion of innovation across society.<\/li>\n<li>The most revealing indicator is R&amp;D expenditure. India\u2019s Gross <strong>Expenditure on R&amp;D has stagnated around 0.6\u20130.7% of GDP<\/strong> and is declining proportionally as the economy grows.<\/li>\n<li>This contrasts sharply with China, the United States, and Israel, which treat R&amp;D as a strategic national priority.<\/li>\n<li>The comparison with Huawei is particularly stark: the company\u2019s R&amp;D spending alone exceeds India\u2019s total public and private R&amp;D expenditure.<\/li>\n<li>This illustrates how <strong>concentrated, mission-driven investment drives technological leadership<\/strong>, a scale India has yet to achieve.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Structural Weaknesses in the Innovation Ecosystem<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Weak Role of the Private Sector<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>The numerical gap reflects deeper systemic problems. One of the most critical is the weak role of the private sector. In mature innovation economies, industry leads R&amp;D spending.<\/li>\n<li>In India, the government remains the dominant funder, while private industry contributes barely over a third.<\/li>\n<li>Corporate investment is shaped by risk aversion, a preference for incremental improvements, and reliance on imported technologies rather than indigenous development.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Disconnect Between Academia and Industry<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Universities produce millions of graduates, but research often remains theoretical and detached from market needs.<\/li>\n<li>Technology transfer mechanisms, commercialisation pathways, and collaborative projects are underdeveloped.<\/li>\n<li>Unlike the United States, where firms routinely fund university research to create market-ready innovations, Indian companies rarely engage academia in this manner.<\/li>\n<li>As a result, promising ideas fail to cross the <strong>valley of death<\/strong> between laboratory and marketplace.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Brain Drain<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>While India trains large numbers of scientists and engineers, many of the most capable seek opportunities abroad due to better funding, infrastructure, and career prospects.<\/li>\n<li>Domestically, researchers face bureaucratic delays, unpredictable funding flows, and limited access to world-class facilities.<\/li>\n<li>Slow approval processes and staggered fund releases undermine ambitious, long-term research programmes.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Path Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Reimagining India\u2019s R&amp;D Strategy<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Correcting these failures requires a <strong>fundamental shift in national priorities<\/strong>. The most urgent step is to raise R&amp;D spending to at least 2% of GDP within the next five to seven years.<\/li>\n<li>This must be backed by significant public investment and strong incentives to raise private sector participation to at least half of total R&amp;D spending.<\/li>\n<li>The recently announced Research, Development and Innovation Fund is a positive step, provided it is deployed efficiently and focused on frontier technologies.<\/li>\n<li>India must also abandon fragmented research efforts in favour of national missions.<\/li>\n<li>Strategic domains such as semiconductors, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, advanced materials, and green energy demand sustained funding, clear objectives, and alignment with national security and economic sovereignty.<\/li>\n<li>These areas will determine long-term competitiveness rather than short-term gains.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Universities and Research<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Universities must evolve from <strong>teaching-centric institutions<\/strong> into research-driven centres of excellence.<\/li>\n<li>This requires expanded funding for doctoral programmes, competitive research faculty positions, and modern infrastructure.<\/li>\n<li>Structured industry-academia collaboration, through sponsored research chairs, joint laboratories, and incubation centres, must become the norm rather than the exception.<\/li>\n<li>Alongside this, India must foster a stronger intellectual property culture. Simplified patent procedures, stronger enforcement, and financial incentives for commercially successful patents would encourage innovation across academia and industry.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Innovation must be rewarded, <\/strong>protected, and commercialised at scale to generate economic value.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India possesses the intellectual capacity and ambition to emerge as a global innovation leader. However, <strong>ambition without sustained R&amp;D investment is strategically hollow<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The contrast with global innovation leaders and even single multinational corporations exposes a systemic failure to prioritise knowledge creation.<\/li>\n<li>The coming decade is decisive. With political will, structural reform, and cultural change, India can convert its demographic advantage into technological power.<\/li>\n<li>Without it, the goal of a developed and sovereign nation <strong>may drift far beyond 2047.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>A Grand Vision and the Great Indian Research Deficit FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Q1. <\/strong>What is the core challenge limiting India\u2019s global power ambitions?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India\u2019s global ambitions are constrained by a persistent deficit in research and development investment.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2. <\/strong>Why is India\u2019s patent performance considered weak despite high filing numbers?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India\u2019s patent performance remains weak because filings are low relative to its large population.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>What role does the private sector play in India\u2019s R&amp;D ecosystem?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The private sector plays a limited role, with the government remaining the dominant R&amp;D funder.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>How does the academia\u2013industry disconnect affect innovation in India?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>The disconnect prevents research from being commercialised and reaching the marketplace.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>What key reform is necessary for India to strengthen its innovation capacity?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India must significantly increase R&amp;D spending and align it with strategic national missions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/a-grand-vision-and-the-great-indian-research-deficit\/article70446720.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Linked Civilisations, A Modern Strategic Partnership<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Relations between Iran and India extend beyond conventional diplomacy, drawing strength from millennia of civilisational continuity.<\/li>\n<li>Long before modern political borders, both societies emerged from a <strong>shared Indo-Iranian civilisation<\/strong>, rooted in common linguistic, cultural, and spiritual traditions.<\/li>\n<li>This historical affinity has endured political change and now intersects with contemporary strategic, economic, and security interests.<\/li>\n<li>In a <strong>shifting global order<\/strong> marked by multipolarity, Iran and India are well positioned to transform their ancient bond into a forward-looking partnership.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Historical and Civilisational Foundations<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The earliest connections between Iran and India originated in the <strong>Indo-Iranian world<\/strong>, whose legacy is evident in the parallels between the Avesta and the Rigveda.<\/li>\n<li>These texts reflect shared mythologies, ethical values, and cosmological views that shaped early social organisation.<\/li>\n<li>Despite later migrations and political divergence, this <strong>common heritage<\/strong> sustained a sense of cultural kinship.<\/li>\n<li>One of the most enduring manifestations of this relationship was the prominence of the <strong>Persian language in India<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>For centuries, Persian functioned as a medium of administration, diplomacy, and intellectual life across the subcontinent.<\/li>\n<li>This interaction fostered the development of the Indian Style (Sabk-e Hendi) in Persian poetry, blending Persian literary form with Indian philosophical depth.<\/li>\n<li>The work of Mirza Abdul-Qadir Bedil Dehlavi epitomised this synthesis, leaving a lasting imprint on Persian literary tradition and <strong>Indo-Iranian cultural exchange.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Transition to Modern Strategic Realities<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>While historical memory provides depth and legitimacy, contemporary relations are shaped by <strong>pragmatic considerations.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>As global power structures evolve and Asia gains prominence, Iran and India increasingly share strategic objectives, including regional stability and foreign policy autonomy.<\/li>\n<li>A central pillar of this engagement is <strong>energy security cooperation<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>India\u2019s rapidly growing economy requires sustained access to hydrocarbons, while Iran\u2019s vast oil and gas reserves position it as a natural partner.<\/li>\n<li>This complementarity reflects a mutually beneficial relationship grounded in economic necessity rather than sentiment alone.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Key Aspects of India-Iran Relations<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Connectivity, Trade, and Geoeconomic Cooperation<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Transport and connectivity initiatives represent one of the most consequential dimensions of bilateral cooperation.<\/li>\n<li>India\u2019s involvement in developing Iran\u2019s Chabahar Port highlights the strategic importance of alternative trade routes that reduce dependence on traditional maritime corridors.<\/li>\n<li>Iran\u2019s geographical position further enhances its role in the International North-South Transport Corridor, linking South Asia to Russia and Northern Europe through a shorter and more cost-effective route than the Suez Canal.<\/li>\n<li>Together, <strong>Chabahar Port and INSTC<\/strong> elevate Iran\u2019s role as a Eurasian transit hub while expanding India\u2019s access to continental markets.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Security Cooperation and External Challenges<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Beyond economics, Iran and India face common security challenges, particularly the spread of extremism and terrorism across West and South Asia.<\/li>\n<li>Quiet but sustained <strong>security and counterterrorism cooperation<\/strong> has therefore become an essential component of bilateral relations.<\/li>\n<li>External pressures and geopolitical rivalries have at times constrained engagement.<\/li>\n<li>Nevertheless, India has generally navigated these complexities through strategic pragmatism, balancing global partnerships while safeguarding national interests.<\/li>\n<li>For both countries, developing <strong>alternative financial mechanisms<\/strong> and reducing vulnerability to external constraints remain important objectives.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Prospects for Future Cooperation<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>To ensure long-term sustainability, the <strong>relationship must diversify<\/strong> beyond traditional energy trade. Expanding collaboration in knowledge-based sectors offers significant potential.<\/li>\n<li>India\u2019s strengths in information technology and innovation complement Iran\u2019s advances in nanotechnology, medical sciences, and research-intensive industries.<\/li>\n<li>Such cooperation can gradually transform the relationship into an <strong>innovation-driven future partnership<\/strong>, capable of generating shared growth and technological self-reliance.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Iran and India represent two historical expressions of a <strong>deeply interconnected civilisation.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>Their relationship, shaped by ancient cultural bonds and reinforced by modern strategic needs, possesses <strong>exceptional resilience.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>As the two nations commemorate seventy-five years of diplomatic relations, they face a critical opportunity to translate historical goodwill into concrete cooperation.<\/li>\n<li>By aligning cultural affinity with economic, security, and technological collaboration, Iran and India can forge a partnership that strengthens <strong>regional stability, enhances prosperity<\/strong>, and reflects both their shared past and collective future.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Linked Civilisations, A Modern Strategic Partnership FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Q1. <\/strong>Why are Iran\u2013India relations considered civilisational rather than purely diplomatic?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>They are rooted in a shared Indo-Iranian heritage marked by common linguistic, cultural, and spiritual traditions dating back to ancient history.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> What role did the Persian language play in India?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>Persian served for centuries as a key language of administration, diplomacy, and literature, deeply influencing Indian intellectual and cultural life.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3. <\/strong>Why is energy cooperation important for both countries today?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>India requires reliable energy supplies for growth, while Iran possesses vast hydrocarbon reserves, making their partnership economically complementary.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4. <\/strong>What is the strategic significance of Chabahar Port and the INSTC?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>They provide India with efficient access to Eurasian markets and position Iran as a crucial regional transit hub.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5. <\/strong>How can Iran and India strengthen future cooperation?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>By diversifying into technology, innovation, and knowledge-based industries beyond traditional energy trade.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/linked-civilisations-a-modern-strategic-partnership\/article70446666.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Money, Politics and the Erosion of Electoral Equality in India<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Free and fair elections are a core feature of India\u2019s constitutional democracy. However, persistent<strong> inequalities in political funding<\/strong> have undermined the level-playing field among political parties.<\/li>\n<li>Despite multiple reform attempts\u2014most recently the striking down of the Electoral Bonds Scheme (2018) by the Supreme Court\u2014India\u2019s political finance system continues to be dominated by corporate money.<\/li>\n<li>This raises concerns of quid pro quo (between the corporates and such parties), <strong>institutionalised corruption<\/strong>, and unequal political participation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Core Issue &#8211; Unequal Political Funding:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Unequal access to private donations distorts electoral competition and political participation.<\/li>\n<li>Better-resourced parties gain disproportionate advantages in campaigning, visibility, and organisational reach.<\/li>\n<li>Weak regulation, poor enforcement, and lack of political will have allowed the <strong>money\u2013politics nexus<\/strong> to persist.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Corporate Donations and Party-wise Skew<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Direct corporate donations (FY 2013\u201314 to FY 2023\u201324)<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>For example, the incumbent political party (BJP) received nearly <strong>65%<\/strong> of all declared direct corporate donations.<\/li>\n<li>Its donations were four times more than all other national parties combined.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Electoral trusts<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>For example, BJP received around 71.67% of total funds routed through electoral trusts. This indicates a clear financial asymmetry in favour of the ruling party.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Electoral Trust Scheme &#8211; Performance and Concerns<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduced in 2013 to formalise corporate political donations.<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>FY 2013\u201314 to 2023\u201324 data<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Among the top ten trusts, Prudent Electoral Trust dominates.<\/li>\n<li>It received \u20b933,330.54 crore (86.38%) of total trust contributions. 75% of its donations went to the BJP.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>FY 2024\u201325 data<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>The trust received \u20b92,668.49 crore.<\/li>\n<li>Donated \u20b92,180.71 crore to BJP and \u20b9216.34 crore to Congress.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<h4><strong>Inference<\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Political funding via trusts is highly concentrated\u2014both in terms of donors (few trusts) and beneficiaries (incumbent party).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Transparency Deficit in Electoral Trusts<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>What is known<\/strong>: Names of donor companies and recipient parties (via filings to ECI and IT Department).<\/li>\n<li><strong>What is not known:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Which company donated to which party.<\/li>\n<li>Method and rationale of fund disbursal by trusts remain opaque.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Reform suggestion:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Electoral trusts should reflect the name of the company or corporate group that established them.<\/li>\n<li>Public disclosure of donors\u2013donees mapping is essential for democratic accountability.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Quid Pro Quo and Supreme Court Observations<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Political funding in India is heavily dependent on corporates donating to ruling parties at Centre or states.<\/li>\n<li>This creates a quid pro quo (\u201csomething for something\u201d) relationship.<\/li>\n<li><strong>SC (Electoral Bonds Case, 2024):<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cThe reason for political contributions by companies is as open as daylight.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cContributions made by companies are purely business transactions made with the intent of securing benefits in return.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>Thus, the apex court called quid pro quo an instance of \u201cinstitutionalised corruption\u201d.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Campaign Finance and Rising Cost of Elections<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>No legal cap<\/strong> on political party expenditure (only on candidates).<\/li>\n<li>Unlimited party spending has led to:\n<ul>\n<li>Highly professionalised campaigns.<\/li>\n<li>Escalating election costs.<\/li>\n<li>India becoming one of the <strong>most expensive electoral democracies<\/strong>, surpassing even the US.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Public Funding of Elections &#8211; Historical Debate<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Constituent Assembly (1948) deliberations: <\/strong>Elections are a state affair, not a private one. Public funding was seen as a way to prevent unfair advantage to wealthy candidates. Several committees and experts have supported <strong>state funding<\/strong> of elections.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Preconditions suggested:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Internal democracy within political parties<\/li>\n<li>Transparency in party functioning<\/li>\n<li>Bringing parties under RTI<\/li>\n<li>Regulation or ban on private donations<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Lessons from the Past<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Corporate donations were banned (1969\u20131985).<\/li>\n<li>The absence of alternative lawful funding:\n<ul>\n<li>Led to opaque, illegal practices<\/li>\n<li>Rise of \u201c<strong>briefcase politics<\/strong>\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Indicates that bans without systemic reform can worsen corruption.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Challenges and Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Disparity in access to funds among political parties<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Design a comprehensive political finance framework that\n<ul>\n<li>Ensures equitable access to funding<\/li>\n<li>Diversifies sources of political finance<\/li>\n<li>Strengthens transparency and disclosure norms<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Concentration of economic and political power<\/strong>: Strengthen institutional oversight by ECI and judiciary.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Opaque funding channels<\/strong>: Introduce calibrated public funding alongside reforms.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Lack of expenditure limits for parties<\/strong>: Cap political party expenditure.<\/li>\n<li><strong>High entry barriers<\/strong>: Reduce financial entry barriers ( for new or less-resourced candidates) to political contestation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion:<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s democracy bears the cost of distorted political funding through weakened electoral competition and compromised public interest.<\/li>\n<li>Without urgent reforms to address inequality, elections risk becoming contests of money rather than mandates of the people.<\/li>\n<li>Ultimately, when political finance remains skewed and opaque, it is the citizens who pay the price for their democracy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Erosion of Electoral Equality in India FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. How does unequal political funding undermine the principle of a level-playing field in Indian elections?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. It allows better-resourced parties to dominate campaigns, distort electoral competition, and weaken political equality among contestants.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. What is the role of Electoral Trusts in ensuring transparency in political funding in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. While Electoral Trusts offer transparency, the absence of public donor\u2013donee mapping limits their effectiveness in ensuring accountability.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What did the SC observe regarding corporate political donations in the Electoral Bonds judgment?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. The SC termed corporate political funding as a form of institutionalised corruption driven by quid pro quo business transactions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. Why has the cost of elections in India increased significantly despite expenditure limits on candidates?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. The absence of legal caps on political party expenditure has led to unlimited, professionalised campaigns.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. Why must public funding of elections in India be accompanied by broader political reforms?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Without reforms like internal party democracy and transparency, public funding risks reinforcing corruption.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/political-funding-electoral-fund-electoral-trust-electoral-bond-10438389\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 29 December 2025 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":50653,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":{"0":"post-80134","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-daily-editorial-analysis","8":"tag-daily-editorial-analysis","9":"tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","10":"tag-the-indian-express-analysis","11":"no-featured-image-padding"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/80134","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=80134"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/80134\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/50653"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=80134"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=80134"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=80134"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}