{"id":97724,"date":"2026-04-11T09:37:34","date_gmt":"2026-04-11T04:07:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/?p=97724"},"modified":"2026-04-11T10:56:07","modified_gmt":"2026-04-11T05:26:07","slug":"daily-editorial-analysis-11-april-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/daily-editorial-analysis-11-april-2026\/","title":{"rendered":"Daily Editorial Analysis 11 April 2026"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><strong>An Alternative\u00a0Proposal on\u00a0Viksit Bharat Shiksha\u00a0Adhisthan\u00a0Bill<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The proposed <strong>Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhisthan (VBSA) Bill<\/strong> seeks to institutionalise the implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.<\/li>\n<li>While it is presented as a reformative framework for higher education, the Bill has raised significant concerns regarding constitutional validity, centralisation of power, erosion of institutional autonomy, and weakening of social justice commitments.<\/li>\n<li>A close analysis reveals that the Bill, in its current form, represents a shift away from<strong> democratic and federal principles<\/strong> toward bureaucratic and centralised governance.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Core of the Criticism: Constitutional Overreach and Centralisation of Power<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Under the Indian constitutional framework, <strong>Parliament\u2019s authority over higher education is limited <\/strong>to the coordination and determination of standards, as specified in Entry 66 of the Union List.<\/li>\n<li>However, the Bill expands this scope by granting extensive discretionary powers to Union government-controlled councils.<\/li>\n<li>These bodies are empowered not only to determine standards but also to conduct inspections and exercise wide-ranging regulatory authority.<\/li>\n<li>This <strong>expansion effectively sidelines State governments<\/strong>, undermining the federal structure of governance.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Major Concerns Surrounding the Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhisthan (VBSA) Bill<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Erosion of Institutional Autonomy and Participatory Governance<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>The Bill reduces the role of higher education institutions (HEIs) in decision-making processes and replaces consultative mechanisms with bureaucratic control.<\/li>\n<li>For instance, it <strong>dilutes provisions of the University Grants Commission (UGC) Act<\/strong>, which mandates consultation with universities before inspections.<\/li>\n<li>Under the VBSA framework, prestigious institutions such as IITs, IIMs, and Inter-University Centres risk losing their governing autonomy.<\/li>\n<li>Bureaucrats are positioned as central actors in transforming higher education, which raises concerns about the marginalisation of academic voices.<\/li>\n<li>The absence of participation from faculty, students, and institutional bodies like senates and academic councils further weakens democratic governance within universities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Ideological and Structural Concerns<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Critics argue that this approach risks privileging a <strong>narrow cultural perspective<\/strong>, potentially undermining India\u2019s pluralistic and multicultural intellectual traditions.<\/li>\n<li>Additionally, the emphasis on global rankings and output-based metrics, such as patents and publications, reflects a shift toward<strong> market-driven, corporate-oriented education<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>This orientation may neglect broader educational goals such as social justice, national innovation, and self-reliance.<\/li>\n<li>The Bill\u2019s silence on<strong> affirmative action<\/strong> and reservation policies for marginalised communities further exacerbates concerns about equity and inclusion.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Flaws in Regulatory and Accreditation Mechanisms<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>The proposed regulatory architecture introduces multiple councils for governance, accreditation, and standards.<\/li>\n<li>However, these bodies are <strong>heavily centralised<\/strong> and lack adequate representation from States and academic communities.<\/li>\n<li>The <strong>Regulatory Council <\/strong>is granted sweeping powers, including the authority to recognise or close institutions, often without requiring State consent.<\/li>\n<li>Similarly, the Accreditation Council\u2019s plan to outsource evaluation to third-party agencies risks undermining transparency and deliberative processes.<\/li>\n<li>Technology-driven assessments and output-based evaluation metrics fail to capture the <strong>broader societal impact of education. <\/strong><\/li>\n<li>The Standards Council, operating from a centralised location, is unlikely to effectively address the diverse needs of different regions, disciplines, and sectors.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>The Path Forward to Address These Concerns<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Need for Democratisation and Federal Balance<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>A key recommendation is the inclusion of <strong>State Higher Education Councils (SHECs)<\/strong> in decision-making processes.<\/li>\n<li>Ensuring equal representation, such as a 50% weightage for both State and Union bodies, would help restore <strong>federal balance<\/strong> and promote cooperative governance.<\/li>\n<li>The Bill should also institutionalise the participation of students, teachers, and non-teaching staff in governance.<\/li>\n<li>Decision-making processes must be deliberative, inclusive, and context-sensitive, rather than prescriptive and centralised.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Regional councils<\/strong> could further help accommodate local priorities, including ecological sustainability, cultural diversity, and economic development.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Reimagining Funding and Public Responsibility<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>A significant structural reform proposed is the creation of a Higher Education Grants Council (HEGC) to manage funding.<\/li>\n<li>This body should ensure <strong>equitable distribution of resources<\/strong>, particularly to State universities that have historically been underfunded.<\/li>\n<li>Public funding must remain central to higher education, reinforcing its role as a public good rather than a market commodity.<\/li>\n<li>The Bill should explicitly articulate the public purposes of higher education, including social justice, inter-regional equity, and national development.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Adequate funding mechanisms<\/strong>, along with clear accountability structures, are essential for achieving these objectives.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>While the VBSA Bill aims to reform and modernise higher education in India, its current framework raises serious <strong>constitutional, institutional, and social concerns.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>The centralisation of power, erosion of autonomy, and neglect of equity threaten to undermine the foundational principles of India\u2019s education system.<\/li>\n<li>Meaningful reform requires <strong>a shift toward democratic governance, federal cooperation<\/strong>, and a renewed commitment to education as a public good.<\/li>\n<li>Only through <strong>inclusive and balanced policymaking<\/strong> can the transformative potential of higher education be fully realised.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>An Alternative\u00a0Proposal on\u00a0Viksit Bharat Shiksha\u00a0Adhisthan\u00a0Bill FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> Why is the VBSA Bill considered a constitutional overreach?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> The VBSA Bill is considered a constitutional overreach because it expands the Union government\u2019s powers beyond coordinating standards to exercising broad control over higher education.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> How does the Bill affect institutional autonomy?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans. <\/strong>\u00a0The Bill reduces institutional autonomy by limiting the role of universities in decision-making and increasing bureaucratic control.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> What concern is raised about the Bill\u2019s approach to \u201cBhartiya Knowledge\u201d?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> The Bill\u2019s approach to \u201cBhartiya Knowledge\u201d is criticised for potentially undermining India\u2019s multicultural and pluralistic traditions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> What is the issue with the Bill\u2019s regulatory framework?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> The Bill\u2019s regulatory framework is seen as overly centralised and lacking adequate participation from States and academic communities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> What key reform is suggested regarding funding?<br \/>\n<strong>Ans.<\/strong> It is suggested that a Higher Education Grants Council should be created to ensure equitable and adequate public funding for institutions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/an-alternativeproposal-onviksit-bharat-shikshaadhisthanbill\/article70847787.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">The Hindu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Bolstering Deterrence Through Submarine Dominance<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Defence Minister Rajnath Singh&#8217;s cryptic post on X mentioning the word &#8216;Aridhaman&#8217; recently sparked widespread speculation about the quiet <strong>commissioning of INS Aridhaman<\/strong> \u2014 India&#8217;s third nuclear ballistic missile submarine (SSBN) in the Indian Navy&#8217;s programme.<\/li>\n<li>This follows the commissioning of INS Arihant in 2016 and INS Arighat in 2024.<\/li>\n<li>This article highlights the strategic significance of INS Aridhaman in strengthening India\u2019s nuclear triad, enhancing sea-based deterrence, advancing defence self-reliance, and responding to the evolving dynamics of multi-domain warfare.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>About INS Aridhaman<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Evolution of India\u2019s SSBN Programme<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s SSBN programme began with INS Arihant (2016), followed by INS Arighat (2024), and now INS Aridhaman, marking steady progress in strengthening sea-based nuclear capabilities.<\/li>\n<li>Another submarine in the Arihant class is expected soon.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Key Specifications and Upgrade<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>INS Aridhaman represents a significant upgrade over its predecessors.<\/li>\n<li>It is a larger 7,000-tonne vessel capable of carrying up to <strong>24 K-15 Sagarika missiles<\/strong> and up to eight nuclear-tipped K-4 or K-5 missiles \u2014 nearly double the capacity of INS Arihant and INS Arighat, which could each carry twelve K-15 and four K-4 missiles.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Strategic Significance<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Completing the Nuclear Triad<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>The commissioning of INS Aridhaman further consolidates India&#8217;s nuclear triad \u2014 the ability to launch nuclear weapons from land, sea, and air.<\/li>\n<li>Notably, apart from India, only the P5 nations (USA, Russia, China, France, UK) possess full nuclear triad capabilities.<\/li>\n<li>India&#8217;s nuclear doctrine remains anchored on its No First Use (NFU) policy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Strengthening Sea-Based Deterrence<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Sea-based deterrence has emerged as a critical priority in India&#8217;s nuclear strategy, particularly given the rapidly worsening strategic environment in the Indian Ocean.<\/li>\n<li>China&#8217;s growing presence through research and survey vessels \u2014 which possess dual-use technologies and risk being used for intelligence gathering \u2014 has made robust maritime deterrence essential.<\/li>\n<li>INS Aridhaman directly addresses this imperative against both China and Pakistan.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Boost to Indigenous Defence Production<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>The SSBN programme has significantly advanced India&#8217;s goal of self-reliance in defence production.<\/li>\n<li>With active global conflicts straining international defence supply chains, and the Russia-Ukraine war highlighting the risks of over-dependence on traditional partners like Moscow, indigenisation has become a strategic necessity for India.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Evolving Nature of Modern Warfare<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Modern warfare <u>no longer operates in isolated silos<\/u>. The West Asia conflict, which began as air campaigns but quickly acquired a maritime character with the Strait of Hormuz emerging as the epicentre, is a stark illustration.<\/li>\n<li>Similarly, Operation Sindoor \u2014 India&#8217;s counter-terror response against Pakistan \u2014 demonstrated that a naval dimension to such operations remains a real possibility.<\/li>\n<li>This complexity of multi-domain warfare makes nuclear triad capabilities and cross-domain deterrence indispensable for India&#8217;s national security.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Key Challenges<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The primary challenges ahead include efficiently balancing resource allocation between upgrading existing submarines and inducting new ones, and integrating emerging technologies such as Artificial Intelligence and Autonomous Systems into submarine design and production.<\/li>\n<li>Keeping pace with China&#8217;s rapidly expanding naval roster will remain a defining benchmark for the Indian Navy going forward.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Road Ahead<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A fourth vessel of the Arihant class is expected to be inducted soon.<\/li>\n<li>Additionally, India aims to commission its first fully indigenously designed nuclear attack submarine (SSN) by 2036, followed by a second by 2038 \u2014 signalling that submarine dominance is fast becoming central to India&#8217;s deterrence strategy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>INS Aridhaman marks a crucial step in India\u2019s deterrence strategy, but sustaining submarine dominance will require technological innovation, resource optimisation, and sustained focus on indigenous capabilities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Bolstering Deterrence Through Submarine Dominance FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1.<\/strong> What is the significance of INS Aridhaman for India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> INS Aridhaman strengthens India\u2019s nuclear triad and enhances sea-based deterrence, making India more capable of responding to strategic threats across multiple domains.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2.<\/strong> How is INS Aridhaman different from earlier submarines?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> It is a larger, more advanced submarine with nearly double missile capacity, carrying up to 24 K-15 or 8 K-4\/K-5 missiles, improving strike capability.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3.<\/strong> Why is sea-based deterrence important for India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> Sea-based deterrence ensures survivable second-strike capability and counters threats from adversaries like China and Pakistan in the Indian Ocean region.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4.<\/strong> How does INS Aridhaman support self-reliance in defence?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> The SSBN programme promotes indigenous defence production, reducing dependence on foreign suppliers amid global supply disruptions and enhancing strategic autonomy.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5.<\/strong> What are the future plans for India\u2019s submarine programme?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans.<\/strong> India plans to induct more Arihant-class submarines and develop indigenous nuclear attack submarines (SSNs) by 2036 and 2038 to strengthen naval capabilities.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/bolsteringdeterrence-through-submarine-dominance\/article70848344.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">TH<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h2><strong>Broader and Hidden Implications of West Asia Conflict for India<\/strong><\/h2>\n<h3><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The ongoing conflict in West Asia has disrupted <strong>LPG <\/strong>supply chains to India, triggering a domestic fuel crisis.<\/li>\n<li>This has led to rising LPG prices, panic buying, black-marketing, and economic distress in small industries.<\/li>\n<li>The situation has broader implications, extending beyond energy security to <strong>food <\/strong>security and <strong>nutrition <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Immediate Impacts of LPG Supply Disruption<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Rising household expenditure:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>According to the Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) 2023-24, fuel and light account for 6.1% (rural) and 5.6% (urban) of monthly per capita expenditure.<\/li>\n<li>Increase in LPG prices directly raises the cost of cooking meals, comparable to spending on health and education.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Economic ripple effects:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Reduced LPG availability affects small-scale industries reliant on LPG, urban informal workforce, leading to <strong>reverse migration<\/strong> (similar to COVID-19 trends).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Government response: <\/strong>Prioritisation of domestic consumption over commercial use, and diversification of import sources.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Indirect Effects on Food Systems<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Rising cost of agricultural production: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>India\u2019s dependence on fertiliser imports makes it vulnerable to global disruptions.<\/li>\n<li>Increased costs of fertilisers, mechanisation, and transportation &#8211; likely to trigger <strong>food inflation<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Supply chain disruptions: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Higher logistics costs impact availability and affordability of food items, especially perishables.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Impact on Nutritional Security<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Cost of a Healthy Diet (CoHD):<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Based on ICMR dietary guidelines, average CoHD (non-vegetarian diet) was \u20b973.1\/person\/day (2023-24).<\/li>\n<li>This indicates that 25\u201349% of the population are already unable to afford a healthy diet.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Role of cooking fuel costs: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Meal preparation adds \u20b99.5 extra, including \u20b96.5 from fuel costs alone. This raises unaffordability to 32\u201362% of the population.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Post-crisis scenario: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Rising LPG prices and food inflation may further result in declining dietary diversity and nutrition intake. This will create a disproportionate impact on poor and vulnerable households.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Key Challenges<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Structural issues: <\/strong>High import dependence (LPG and fertilisers), and weak resilience of food supply chains.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Affordability crisis: <\/strong>Rising cost of living affecting both food and fuel, increasing nutrition inequality.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Social dimensions: <\/strong>Exclusion of migrant populations from welfare schemes. <strong>Intra-household dynamics <\/strong>affecting food distribution and access.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Policy gaps: <\/strong>Food policies often ignore cooking fuel as a determinant of nutrition. Limited focus on dietary diversity.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Way Forward<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Short-term measures:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Expand social safety nets, for example, subsidise nutritious foods (pulses, vegetables, eggs, meat, nuts).<\/li>\n<li>Strengthen schemes like <strong>PMUY <\/strong>(Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana) to ensure continued LPG affordability, and including migrant workers temporarily.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Price stabilisation<\/strong> through buffer stocks and market intervention.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Medium-term interventions: <\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Improve public distribution system (<strong>PDS<\/strong>) to include nutrient-rich foods, strengthen last-mile delivery mechanisms, and enhance urban food security frameworks.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Long-term structural reforms:<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Promote domestic fertiliser production and reduce import dependency, and encourage nutrition-sensitive agriculture.<\/li>\n<li>Adopt a <strong>food systems approach<\/strong> integrating production, distribution, consumption, and energy access.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The LPG crisis triggered by geopolitical instability highlights the deep interlinkages between energy security, food systems, and nutrition security.<\/li>\n<li>In a country already grappling with high levels of malnutrition, such shocks can exacerbate vulnerabilities.<\/li>\n<li>A shift towards a holistic food systems approach, backed by <strong>inclusive <\/strong>welfare policies and <strong>resilient <\/strong>supply chains, is essential to safeguard India\u2019s nutritional well-being in times of global uncertainty.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3><strong>Hidden Implications of West Asia Conflict FAQs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Q1<\/strong>. What is the impact of rising LPG prices on nutritional security in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Rising LPG prices increase cooking costs, reducing affordability of healthy diets and worsening nutritional insecurity.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q2<\/strong>. How does disruption in global energy supply chains affect India\u2019s food inflation?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Energy disruptions raise fertiliser, transport, and production costs, leading to increased food prices and inflation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q3<\/strong>. What is the concept of Cost of a Healthy Diet (CoHD)?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. It reflects the minimum cost of nutritionally adequate diets, highlighting affordability gaps and guiding targeted nutrition interventions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q4<\/strong>. Why is a \u2018food systems approach\u2019 essential for ensuring nutrition security in India?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Because it integrates production, distribution, consumption, and energy access.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Q5<\/strong>. What is the role of social safety nets in mitigating the impact of food and fuel crises?<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ans<\/strong>. Food subsidies and LPG schemes buffer vulnerable populations against price shocks and protect nutrition outcomes.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/indianexpress.com\/article\/opinion\/columns\/an-lpg-shock-could-erode-access-to-a-healthy-diet-10630300\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\"><strong>IE<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Daily Editorial Analysis 11 April 2026 by Vajiram &#038; Ravi covers key editorials from The Hindu &#038; Indian Express with UPSC-focused insights and relevance.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":86373,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[138],"tags":[141,882,909],"class_list":{"0":"post-97724","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-daily-editorial-analysis","8":"tag-daily-editorial-analysis","9":"tag-the-hindu-editorial-analysis","10":"tag-the-indian-express-analysis","11":"no-featured-image-padding"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97724","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=97724"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97724\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":97755,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97724\/revisions\/97755"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/86373"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=97724"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=97724"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vajiramandravi.com\/current-affairs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=97724"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}