UPSC Mains Current Affairs for 10 September 2026

UK Ban on Israeli Settlement Goods: Legal Basis and Impact

September 10, 2026

UK Ban on Israeli Settlement Goods Latest News

Recently, the United Kingdom announced a ban on imports of all goods originating from illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.
Addressing the House of Commons, Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband declared Israel's occupation unlawful and said the British government believed "ethnic cleansing" of Palestinians was taking place in parts of the West Bank, carried out by "settler terrorists".
The UK sees the move as a response to what it believes is a clear Israeli attempt to bury the two-state solution.

What the UK Has Banned

The measures go beyond goods and cover services, finance and sanctions:
- Import ban: All agricultural, processed and manufactured goods produced in Israeli settlements across the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, are barred from the UK market.
- Services ban: British firms cannot provide services that facilitate settlement expansion, including construction, infrastructure, real estate, advertising and financing.
- Export licences: The UK will refuse licence applications for arms and other exports that materially contribute to the occupation.
- Sanctions: Sanctions against settler organisations and individuals involved in violence and settlement expansion will be expanded.

International Support

UK’s announcement was followed by a joint statement by 12 countries, including Canada and France, supporting the two-state solution and backing trade restrictions on illegal settlements.
The UK, Canada and France committed to introducing national restrictions, while some other countries said they were still considering measures.

Why Now: The E1 Corridor Trigger

The immediate trigger is Israel's approval of new construction in sensitive zones, notably the "E1 corridor" between East Jerusalem and the Ma'ale Adumim settlement.
Construction in E1 would:
- Sever the territorial link between the northern and southern West Bank.
- Further isolate East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank.
- Physically fragment the territory claimed for a future Palestinian state.

The Legal Backdrop: ICJ Advisory Opinion

The decision rests on the International Court of Justice (ICJ) Advisory Opinion of July 2024.
The court held that Israel's continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory is unlawful.
It also found that Israel's transfer of settlers to the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and maintaining their presence there, violates Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
Crucially, paragraph 278 of the ruling placed obligations on third-party states.
They must refrain from recognising the situation arising from Israel's unlawful presence as legal, and must avoid rendering aid or assistance in maintaining it.
The UK's ban can be seen as compliance with this obligation.

Territorial Structure of the West Bank

The 1995 Oslo II Accord divided the West Bank into Areas A, B and C.
Area C covers roughly 60 per cent of the West Bank, remains under full Israeli civil and military control, and houses almost all Israeli settlements outside Jerusalem.
Jordan Valley and Dead Sea Basin: Cover nearly 30 per cent of the West Bank and are dominated by Israeli agricultural settlements. Palestinian land has been converted into industrial date plantations and commercial farms.

What Settlements Produce

Settlement production relies on commercial agriculture and light manufacturing:
- Agricultural goods: Medjool dates (the Jordan Valley holds a significant share of global exports), table grapes, herbs, citrus fruits, avocados and wine from the West Bank and Golan Heights.
- Manufactured goods: Cosmetics using Dead Sea minerals, plastics, textiles, construction materials and packaging, produced in industrial parks such as Barkan, Mishor Adumim and Atarot.

Economic Impact on Israel

A 2022 UNCTAD report estimated that settlements in Area C and East Jerusalem contributed about $30 billion annually (in constant 2015 dollars) to Israel's economy between 2000 and 2020. However, direct settlement exports form only 1 to 2 per cent of Israel's total exports.
With a GDP above $500 billion, driven by high-technology, defence hardware and pharmaceuticals produced within pre-1967 lines, Israel's macroeconomy will not be destabilised.
The impact will be felt by specialised settlement businesses, especially date growers in the Jordan Valley and manufacturers in Barkan.

Impact on Palestinian Workers

The relationship between Palestinian labour and the settlement economy is complex.
According to the ILO, around 40,000 Palestinians worked in settlements in Area C before the October 7, 2023 attacks, mainly in construction, agriculture and factory labour.
Critics of the ban argue it may harm Palestinian workers by removing higher-paying jobs, causing immediate income loss amid high unemployment.
Palestinian civil society and trade unions counter that settlement employment is a form of captive labour born of structural dependency.
Activists argue that ending the economic viability of settlements will help reclaim occupied land and build long-term economic sovereignty.

Source: IE | AJ

UK Ban on Israeli Settlement Goods FAQs

Q1: What has the UK banned from Israeli settlements?

Ans: The UK has banned agricultural, processed and manufactured goods produced in Israeli settlements across the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

Q2: What other restrictions accompany the UK import ban?

Ans: The measures also restrict services supporting settlement expansion, refuse certain export licences and expand sanctions against organisations and individuals involved.

Q3: Why did the UK introduce the settlement goods ban now?

Ans: Israel’s approval of construction in the E1 corridor triggered the move because it could fragment the West Bank and isolate East Jerusalem.

Q4: What is the legal basis for the UK’s settlement restrictions?

Ans: The UK decision draws on the ICJ’s July 2024 advisory opinion, which deemed Israel’s continued presence in occupied territory unlawful.

Q5: Will the UK ban significantly damage Israel’s overall economy?

Ans: The ban is unlikely to destabilise Israel’s macroeconomy because settlement exports constitute only one to two per cent of total Israeli exports.

Open Waste Burning in Indian Cities Triples During Winter – WRI Study

September 10, 2026

Open Waste Burning Latest News

A working paper by World Resources Institute (WRI) India has found that open waste burning across Indian cities rises sharply in winter, with incidence, quantity burned and associated emissions as much as three times higher than in summer.

About Open Waste Burning

Open waste burning refers to the uncontrolled burning of municipal solid waste in the open, on streets, near dumpsites, in vacant plots or at collection points, rather than through regulated disposal or treatment.
It typically occurs where waste collection is irregular or absent, leaving residents and informal workers to dispose of accumulated garbage by setting it alight.
The practice releases a mix of pollutants, including particulate matter (PM2.5 and PM10), carbon monoxide, dioxins and furans, depending on the composition of the waste. Plastics, rubber and treated materials produce particularly toxic emissions.
Open burning of solid waste is prohibited under the Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, which place responsibility on urban local bodies for door-to-door collection, segregation and scientific disposal.

News Summary

The study is based on field surveys conducted between 2019 and 2026 across 11 polluted Indian cities, whose names have not been disclosed.
The Winter Spike
- The central finding is a sharp seasonal increase. Average incidence, quantity of waste burned, and associated emissions are up to three times higher in winter than in summer.
- This timing compounds the problem. The findings come as cities approach the post-monsoon period, when falling temperatures and stagnant atmospheric conditions make it harder for pollutants to disperse.
- Emissions released during this period remain concentrated closer to the ground and linger longer.
Variation Across City Tiers
- The study categorised cities by size and found differing patterns.
- Tier 2 cities, those with populations between 500,000 and five million, recorded the highest quantities of waste burned among the cities examined.
- Tier 3 cities, however, recorded the highest winter incidence of burning:
  - Tier 3 cities: 49.6 incidents per square kilometre per day
  - Tier 2 cities: 46 incidents per square kilometre per day
  - Tier 1 cities: 39.4 incidents per square kilometre per day
- The pattern suggests that smaller cities, which typically have weaker municipal waste infrastructure, see burning occur more frequently, while larger Tier 2 cities generate greater volumes of burned waste overall.

The Exposure Problem

Open waste burning was not the dominant source of citywide particulate pollution. It contributed less than 1% of total citywide PM2.5 and PM10 emissions in the cities assessed.
Yet the study cautions against dismissing it on that basis.
Because burning happens closer to homes, streets and waste dumps, it can significantly increase short-term exposure to toxic smoke for those living nearby.
This distinction between aggregate emissions and localised exposure is significant. A source may contribute little to a city's overall pollution average while still posing serious health risks to the specific populations living around it.

The Equity Dimension

The study found that the burden was strongly associated with socio-economic conditions. Poorer areas recorded substantially more burning than higher-income areas.
The highest incidence recorded in the entire study, nearly 84 incidents per square kilometre per day, was in the poorer areas of Tier 2 cities during winter. This is well above the Tier 2 city average of 46 incidents.
Researchers attribute this pattern to disparities in waste collection and other municipal services. Where formal collection is irregular or does not reach at all, residents have few alternatives to burning accumulated waste.
The result is a double disadvantage. Lower-income neighbourhoods receive poorer municipal services, and then absorb the health consequences of the disposal methods that gap forces upon them.

Why This Matters

Public Health
- Open burning produces pollutants at breathing height in residential areas, unlike emissions from tall industrial stacks that disperse more widely.
- Exposure risks include respiratory illness, cardiovascular stress and, in the case of plastic combustion, exposure to carcinogenic compounds.
- Vulnerable groups, children, the elderly, informal waste workers and street vendors, face the greatest exposure.
Municipal Governance
- The findings point to a service delivery failure rather than merely a behavioural problem.
- Burning is largely a consequence of waste not being collected, which places the issue squarely within the responsibility of urban local bodies.
Winter Air Quality Management
- Most winter air quality action plans in India focus on vehicular emissions, industrial sources, construction dust and crop residue burning.
- Open waste burning receives comparatively less attention, partly because its citywide contribution appears small.
- The study suggests this framing may miss the localised harm it causes during precisely the season when dispersion is weakest.
Smaller Cities
- Much of India's air quality monitoring and policy attention is concentrated on large metros.
- The higher burning incidence in Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities indicates that pollution management capacity needs to extend well beyond the major urban centres.

Way Forward

Strengthening waste collection coverage, particularly in underserved and low-income neighbourhoods, addresses the root cause rather than the symptom.
Enforcing segregation at source reduces the volume of mixed waste that is most likely to be burned and most toxic when it is.
Expanding processing and disposal capacity so that collected waste has somewhere to go, preventing accumulation at transfer points.
Targeted monitoring in Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities, where incidence is highest, but monitoring infrastructure is thinnest.
Integrating waste burning into winter action plans, recognising localised exposure as a distinct concern from citywide emission averages.
Supporting informal waste workers, who often handle collection in underserved areas and are among the most exposed to burning emissions.

Source: TH

Open Waste Burning FAQs

Q1: By how much does open waste burning increase in winter?

Ans: Incidence, quantity burned and associated emissions are as much as three times higher in winter than in summer.

Q2: Which category of cities recorded the highest winter incidence?

Ans: Tier 3 cities, at an average of 49.6 incidents per square kilometre per day, followed by Tier 2 cities at 46 and Tier 1 cities at 39.4.

Q3: How much does open waste burning contribute to citywide particulate pollution?

Ans: Less than 1% of total citywide PM2.5 and PM10 emissions in the cities assessed.

Q4: Why is it still considered a serious concern despite the low share?

Ans: Because it occurs close to homes, streets and waste dumps, increasing short-term exposure to toxic smoke for nearby residents.

Q5: Where was the highest incidence in the study recorded?

Ans: In the poorer areas of Tier 2 cities during winter, at nearly 84 incidents per square kilometre per day.

India GDP Revisions: Why Growth Numbers Keep Changing

September 10, 2026

India GDP Revisions Latest News

India's GDP numbers have once again sparked debate. The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) has revised past growth rates going as far back as 2023-24, with some revised upward and others downward.
The short answer for these changes is "using PPI for double deflation".
This article explains, in simple terms, how GDP data is compiled, why it gets revised, and what changed in India's methodology in 2026.

Why GDP Data Gets Revised Regularly

Revisions to past GDP numbers, especially quarterly ones, are routine. This is because quarterly and annual estimates are built differently:
- Quarterly estimates use a "benchmark-indicator approach".
  - Movement in quarterly GDP is guided by high-frequency indicators such as crop production, cement production, finished steel consumption and commercial vehicle sales.
- Annual estimates are based on actual output data.
  - As more actual data becomes available from company financial results and MoSPI surveys, quarterly estimates are revised.
This explains the large upward revision in growth for January-March 2026 (Q4 of FY26), from 7.8 per cent to 8.6 per cent.
However, changes to older data happened mainly because MoSPI shifted to a new indicator, the Producer Price Index (PPI), to convert nominal GDP into real GDP.

The 2026 Base Year Revision

In February 2026, MoSPI released a new GDP series after changing the base year from 2011-12 to 2022-23.
Every economy revises its base year periodically to include new data sources, improve methodology and capture the economy more accurately.
During this rebasing, MoSPI also overhauled how it removes the effect of inflation from nominal GDP to arrive at real GDP.

How GDP Is Calculated

GDP is the sum of Gross Value Added (GVA) by each sector, plus indirect taxes collected by the government, minus subsidies.
GVA is the difference between the value of what a sector produces (output) and the raw materials it uses (inputs).
At current prices, this is called nominal GVA. The difficulty arises in calculating real GVA, which requires removing inflation.

Single Deflation: The Old Method

Under the old series, the value of inputs and outputs for each sector was deflated by the same number, except for agriculture and mining and quarrying.
This deflator was either the Consumer Price Index (CPI), the Wholesale Price Index (WPI) or one of their sub-indices.
The real input value was then subtracted from the real output value to get real GVA. This is called single deflation.
Single deflation works well only when input and output prices move at the same rate. When they diverge, it produces errors.

Double Deflation: The New Method

In double deflation, inputs are adjusted by input inflation and outputs by output inflation. This gives a more accurate real GVA.
MoSPI adopted double deflation in the 2022-23 series after repeated criticism that single deflation was either underestimating or overestimating real growth.

Example Illustrating the Difference

A sector uses Rs 100 of inputs to produce Rs 200 of output. Nominal GVA is Rs 100.
Next year, inputs and outputs both rise 20 per cent to Rs 120 and Rs 240. Nominal GVA is Rs 120, a growth of 20 per cent.
Assume input prices rose 5 per cent and output prices rose 2 per cent.
Single deflation (using a common 3 per cent deflator): Real GVA is Rs 116.5, growth is 16.5 per cent, deflator is 3 per cent.
Double deflation (5 per cent for inputs, 2 per cent for outputs): Real GVA is Rs 121, growth is 21 per cent, deflator is -0.8 per cent.

What Double Deflation Implies

Two key points emerge:
- When input prices rise faster than output prices, single deflation underestimates real GVA growth.
- A negative implicit deflator ensures that when nominal growth is low because firms have not fully passed on higher costs to consumers, real growth is not wrongly penalised.
- This was the case in April-June 2026, when nominal growth was 10.3 per cent.
This also explains why the manufacturing deflator has been negative in six of the 13 quarters since April-June 2023.
The manufacturing deflator moves inversely with crude oil prices, a crucial input. When oil prices rise, the deflator falls.
- Economists note that a negative deflator signals strong pipeline price pressures.
- If firms have pricing power, these costs will be passed on later, raising nominal growth while real growth may soften.

The Shift to PPI

When the new GDP series first came out in February, inflation was removed from the numbers using the CPI (retail prices), the WPI (wholesale prices) and their sub-indices.
The latest revisions happened because MoSPI has now switched to the Producer Price Index (PPI).
- The PPI captures the price a producer actually receives at the factory gate.
- It leaves out taxes and the margins added by traders and transporters.
- It is therefore a cleaner measure of what producers earn.

Why does the choice of index matter so much?

Because each sector's inputs and outputs must be adjusted using an index that reflects that sector's own prices.
The old series failed to do this for services. In July-September 2025, the last quarter under the old series, the services sector's inflation was shown as just 1.2 per cent.
This was far too low. The reason was that the WPI was used to adjust services GVA, but the WPI tracks only goods and has no services in it at all. The result was a distortion.
- When commodity prices were soft, wholesale inflation was low.
- Services GVA was then adjusted by a number much smaller than the real price rise in services.
- This made real services growth look higher than it actually was. When commodity prices shot up, the opposite happened, and services growth looked lower than it really was.
With PPIs, MoSPI now has more than 300 separate deflators to work with, compared to about 180 in the old series.
In simple terms, more sectors and sub-sectors are now adjusted using their own correct price index, so GVA is being measured more accurately.

Remaining Limitations

The new methodology does not mean India's GDP numbers are perfect. The input PPI is still at a trial stage and exists only for manufacturing.
Greater clarity will come when MoSPI publishes its "Sources and Methods" document later this month, detailing the compilation, data sources and methodologies of the new series.

Source: IE

India GDP revisions FAQs

Q1: Why are India’s GDP numbers revised regularly?

Ans: India’s GDP numbers are revised as more actual data becomes available from company financial results, surveys and improved economic indicators.

Q2: What changed in India’s GDP methodology in 2026?

Ans: India’s GDP methodology changed with a new base year of 2022-23 and greater use of double deflation and Producer Price Index.

Q3: What is double deflation in GDP calculation?

Ans: Double deflation adjusts inputs and outputs using separate inflation measures, producing a more accurate estimate of real Gross Value Added.

Q4: Why has India shifted towards the Producer Price Index?

Ans: The Producer Price Index captures prices received by producers at factory gates, excluding taxes and trade margins, providing sector-specific price information.

Q5: What are the limitations of India’s new GDP methodology?

Ans: The new methodology is not perfect because input PPI remains at a trial stage and is currently available only for manufacturing sectors.