India and NASA’s Moon Base Programme – Explained

Moon Base Programme

Moon Base Programme Latest News

  • India has received an invitation to join NASA's Moon Base programme, an initiative that could mark a turning point for ISRO and significantly accelerate India's space technology development.

About the Moon Base Programme

  • The Moon Base programme aims to create a permanent research station on the Moon that can be inhabited by astronauts and robots for prolonged periods.
  • The base is to be built in stages over several years and is meant to facilitate lunar research while allowing exploration and exploitation of lunar resources. 
  • It is expected to be one of the most challenging engineering exercises ever undertaken, requiring several trips to the Moon by both crewed and robotic missions. It could also become the costliest scientific project in history.
  • In scale and ambition, the programme can be compared only to the Apollo missions. 
  • In terms of its long-term impact on humanity and the future of the planet, it may prove far more consequential.

Why NASA Is Seeking Partners

  • NASA is not in a position to execute this programme entirely on its own, nor does it intend to.
  • Its budget has been significantly reduced under the current US administration, and most of its hardware production has shifted to the private sector. 
  • As a result, NASA is actively seeking partners from both the international community and private industry to collaborate on the project.

The Artemis Accords

  • Countries that have signed the Artemis Accords have already demonstrated a willingness to participate in such collaboration.
  • The Accords now include 70 nations, among them major space-faring countries such as Japan, India, South Korea, and Israel, along with several European nations. India joined as the 27th signatory in 2023.
  • The Accords are essentially a set of principles and good practices that countries agree to follow while carrying out space activities. 
  • However, they are increasingly viewed as a US-led grouping seeking to write its own rules for space exploration and the use of extraterrestrial resources, somewhat bypassing established multilateral arrangements. 
  • The absence of two major space powers, Russia and China, lends weight to this perception.
  • India has traditionally been reluctant to join such groupings, but its early signing of the Artemis Accords made its choice clear. 
  • While there is no official confirmation yet, ISRO is widely expected to accept the invitation to collaborate on the Moon Base programme.

What India Stands to Gain

  • Joining the programme makes strategic sense for ISRO for several reasons.
  • ISRO has its own plans for human spaceflight missions, a space station, and eventually landing humans on the Moon. 
  • Participating in the Moon Base programme offers the opportunity to gain valuable experience in planning and executing complex missions of this nature, allowing India to leapfrog in technology development.
  • ISRO has demonstrated it can execute such missions independently, but doing so would require considerable time and enormous financial resources.
  • Space exploration has reached a stage where a ten-year gap in technology development can leave a nation significantly behind. It would also make little economic sense to reinvent capabilities that already exist elsewhere.

The Economic Rationale

  • ISRO's current plans are extremely ambitious. They include:
    • An independent human spaceflight programme, 
    • A Moon landing programme, and 
    • A full-fledged space station. 
  • While it is important for India to possess these capabilities, sustaining all of them independently raises serious economic questions.
  • The Bharat Antariksh Station illustrates this well. While ISRO must have the technology to build such infrastructure, it is unlikely that India will have, within a decade, a scientific ecosystem large enough to require an entire space station for its exclusive use throughout the year. 
  • It will almost certainly have to function as shared infrastructure, much like the International Space Station does today.
  • Similarly, while independent capabilities to send humans into space and land them on the Moon are crucial, maintaining a separate full-fledged lunar exploration programme may not be economically viable. 
  • The costs are prohibitively high even for the world's largest economy. For India, which is pursuing multiple parallel development goals, allocating resources on that scale would be difficult.

Addressing Concerns About Alignment

  • Concerns that India is joining a US-led bloc may be overstated.
  • The Artemis Accords are not comparable to a geopolitical or military alliance. Space, at present, is not adversarial.
  • If the US lands on the Moon ahead of others, it does not gain control over the area or its resources, nor does it harm the interests of China or Russia, which are pursuing similar objectives through their own partnership.
  • The Moon is large enough, and its resources abundant enough, to support the efforts of all parties in the foreseeable future.
  • This is why the current global trend of de-globalisation and go-it-alone approaches in critical technologies such as semiconductors, clean energy, and artificial intelligence does not apply to space. There is no domination of supply chains or control over resources in the same way.
  • Importantly, signing the Artemis Accords or joining the Moon Base effort does not prevent India from continuing its long-standing space cooperation with Russia.

Caveats for ISRO

  • While the opportunity is significant, ISRO must navigate it carefully.
  • It needs to ensure that it does not lose sight of its own targets and objectives while collaborating with the US. 
  • It must also avoid becoming locked into the US technology ecosystem to the point of creating overdependence.
  • The Artemis Accords do emphasise the development of interoperable systems. 
  • However, this is not a major restriction for ISRO, which is only beginning to develop these systems and can build interoperability in from the start.

Significance

  • Space cooperation with the US represents a major opportunity for ISRO to fast-track project timelines and reach the frontiers of technology development.
  • Such collaboration typically generates substantial spin-off benefits, advances in materials, robotics, life support systems, communications, and computing that can produce cascading dividends across multiple sectors of the economy.
  • For a country building its scientific and industrial base, these secondary gains can be as valuable as the primary mission objectives.

Source: IE | TH

Moon Base Programme FAQs

Q1: What is NASA's Moon Base programme?

Ans: It is an initiative to create a permanent research station on the Moon, inhabitable by astronauts and robots for prolonged periods, built in stages over several years.

Q2: When did India sign the Artemis Accords?

Ans: India joined the Artemis Accords in 2023 as the 27th signatory nation.

Q3: How many countries are part of the Artemis Accords?

Ans: There are currently 70 nations in the grouping, including Japan, South Korea, Israel, and several European countries.

Q4: Why is NASA seeking international partners for the programme?

Ans: NASA's budget has been significantly reduced and most hardware production has shifted to the private sector, making collaboration necessary.

Q5: What is the main risk for ISRO in joining the programme?

Ans: The main risks are losing sight of its own targets and objectives, and becoming overdependent on the US technology ecosystem.

Mining Bill 2026: Centre-State Fiscal Federalism and Mineral Revenue Debate

Mining Bill 2026

Mining Bill 2026 Latest News

What Does the Amendment Change?

  • The Bill restricts states from imposing specified levies on mineral rights and mineral-bearing land.
  • This comes even as several mineral-rich states had begun exploring such levies following the Supreme Court's landmark 2024 ruling that upheld states' power to tax mineral rights.
  • The Bill will also extinguish unpaid or unrecovered dues arising from such levies imposed before it comes into force — estimated at around Rs 2 lakh crore across the mining sector.
  • According to the Mines Ministry, around 14 levies currently exist in the mineral sector; these will continue, but their cumulative burden will be capped at a percentage to be decided after consultation with states.

Background: The Supreme Court's 2024 Ruling

  • In July 2024, the Supreme Court upheld states' power to levy taxes on mineral rights and mineral-bearing land, overruling the 1989 judgment in India Cement Ltd v. State of Tamil Nadu.
    • The 1989 judgement had held that royalty was a tax falling under the Union List, beyond states' legislative competence. 
  • The 2024 ruling also waived interest and penalties on pre-judgment tax demands and allowed staggered payment of dues over 12 years from April 1, 2026. 
  • This opened the door for states to raise additional mining revenue — Jharkhand and Tamil Nadu introduced Mineral-Bearing Land (MBL) taxes, while Karnataka proposed a tax on non-auctioned iron ore mines. 
    • Jharkhand's MBL tax on iron ore rose from Rs 100 to Rs 400 per tonne.
    • Tamil Nadu imposed an MBL tax of Rs 160 per tonne on limestone.

Centre's Rationale

  • The Centre argues that unchecked state-level levies raise the cost of key minerals, feeding into inflation and infrastructure costs.
  • Mining industry experts note that beyond royalty, companies already pay District Mineral Foundation and National Mineral Exploration Trust contributions, along with environmental and pollution cesses — with the MBL tax seen as the largest additional burden.
  • Industry voices argue the amendments provide fiscal certainty without causing material revenue loss to states, since many of these levies have been under legal dispute for decades.

States' Opposition and Revenue Concerns

  • Jharkhand: CM of Jharkhand has cited potential revenue loss. In a letter to the Prime Minister, he stated mining revenue formed about 84.9% of the state's own non-tax revenue in 2024-25, with the Mineral Bearing Land Cess alone expected to generate around Rs 11,000 crore annually. 
  • Kerala: The govt has raised concerns over implications for India's federal structure. 

Data on dependence

  • As per the CAG report on state finances, states' own non-tax revenue stood at Rs 3.3 lakh crore in 2024-25, of which 41% (Rs 1.36 lakh crore) came from mineral and petroleum receipts. 
  • Nationally, this forms just 3.4% of states' revenue receipts, but the share is far higher for mineral-rich states: 23% for Odisha, 13% for Jharkhand, and 5% for Chhattisgarh.

Need for a Balanced Approach

  • Experts caution against framing the issue as a binary choice between competitive mining and state revenues. 
  • Instead, they recommend the Centre use the new framework to set transparent guardrails through genuine consultation with mineral-producing states, ensuring cost predictability for industry without leaving states fiscally shortchanged.

Conclusion

  • The Mining Amendment Bill, 2026, revives the classic Centre-state fiscal federalism debate — balancing industry's need for tax certainty against resource-rich states' dependence on mineral revenue for welfare and development. 
  • Its success will hinge on transparent, consultative implementation rather than a one-sided assertion of central authority.

Source: IE | DH

Mining Bill 2026 FAQs

Q1: What is the Mining Bill 2026?

Ans: The Mining Bill 2026 restricts states from imposing specified levies on mineral rights and mineral-bearing land while capping the cumulative burden.

Q2: Why has the Mining Bill 2026 created a Centre-state dispute?

Ans: The Mining Bill 2026 has raised concerns because mineral-rich states fear losing substantial revenues derived from taxes and levies on mineral resources.

Q3: What did the Supreme Court's 2024 ruling say about mineral taxation?

Ans: Before the Mining Bill 2026, the Supreme Court recognised states' power to tax mineral rights and mineral-bearing land, overturning the earlier India Cement ruling.

Q4: Why does the Centre support the Mining Bill 2026?

Ans: The Mining Bill 2026 is intended to prevent excessive state levies from increasing mineral costs, inflationary pressures, and infrastructure expenses.

Q5: How can the Mining Bill 2026 balance state and industry interests?

Ans: The Mining Bill 2026 should use transparent limits and genuine consultation with mineral-producing states to provide industry certainty without weakening state finances.

Surrogate Advertising in India: Rules, Celebrity Endorsements and Regulatory Scrutiny

Surrogate Advertising

Surrogate Advertising Latest News

  • Maharashtra's Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued show-cause notices to actors Shah Rukh Khan, Ajay Devgn, and Tiger Shroff, alleging that their advertisement for Vimal Elaichi amounts to surrogate advertising for the banned Vimal Pan Masala brand. 
  • This marks the first instance of the regulator examining surrogate advertising, even as it intensifies its crackdown on tobacco-containing products.

What Is Surrogate Advertising?

  • Surrogate advertising promotes a product under a different, permitted brand name, logo, or visual style. 
  • It is used for goods like alcohol, tobacco, and pan masala, which face advertising bans or restrictions. 
  • The technique keeps the original brand visible in consumers' minds despite the restriction.

What the FDA Notices Allege

  • The FDA claims the Vimal Elaichi ad's presentation, dialogue, product name, and market context raise a "serious question" over whether it indirectly promotes Vimal Pan Masala — a product currently prohibited in Maharashtra. 
  • Maharashtra has banned gutkha and pan masala containing tobacco or nicotine since 2012 under Section 30(2)(a) of the Food Safety and Standards (FSS) Act, 2006
    • This prohibition is renewed annually. 
  • The FDA has invoked: 
    • Section 24 of the FSS Act — restricts misleading and deceptive food advertisements.
    • Section 53 of the FSS Act — penalty of up to Rs 10 lakh for anyone "party to the publication" of a misleading advertisement.
    • The Food Safety and Standards (Advertising and Claims) Regulations, 2018.

What the Actors Have Been Asked to Do

  • The FDA has given the actors 15 days to respond with written explanations and has directed them to:
    • Immediately discontinue participation in and endorsement of the ad, and remove it from their social media handles.
    • Submit their endorsement contracts, campaign briefs, product information, and payment details.
    • Disclose details of the due diligence carried out before endorsing the product.
    • Furnish evidence on whether Vimal Elaichi is an independently sold product or a surrogate/brand extension of Vimal Pan Masala.
    • Disclose any material connection with the advertiser or brand owner, as required under the CCPA (Central Consumer Protection authority) Guidelines, 2022.

The Legal Framework on Misleading and Surrogate Ads

  • The Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA), established under Section 10 of the Consumer Protection Act, 2019, notified guidelines in 2022 to curb misleading advertisements and endorsements. 
  • Under Section 2(28) of the Consumer Protection Act, 2019, a "misleading advertisement" includes one that falsely describes a product, gives false guarantees, implies an unfair trade practice, or conceals important information. 
  • The guidelines define "surrogate advertisement" as one that circumvents a legal prohibition by advertising a permitted product to indirectly promote a prohibited one. 
  • Penalties under Section 21 of the Consumer Protection Act, 2019: 
    • Up to Rs 10 lakh for a first violation, and up to Rs 50 lakh for subsequent violations.
    • The CCPA can bar an endorser from making any endorsements for up to 1 year (first violation) or up to 3 years (subsequent violations).

Past Regulatory History

  • In 2018, the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS), under the Union Health Ministry, issued show-cause notices to Vishnu Pouch Packaging Pvt Ltd (the brand's promoter) under the Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act, 2003, alleging indirect tobacco advertising.
  • In January 2024, the Delhi High Court dismissed DGHS's appeals, allowing the company to continue advertising its tobacco-free product, while observing that businesses have a "fundamental right to carry on business" involving pan masala without tobacco, so long as it has constitutional sanction.

Conclusion

  • The Vimal Elaichi case highlights the persistent regulatory challenge of distinguishing genuine product advertising from surrogate promotion of banned substances. 
  • As Maharashtra tightens enforcement against tobacco products, this episode could set an important precedent for celebrity accountability and brand-endorsement due diligence under India's consumer protection framework.

Source: IE | N18

Surrogate Advertising FAQs

Q1: What is Surrogate Advertising?

Ans: Surrogate Advertising promotes a permitted product using a brand name, logo, or visual identity associated with a prohibited product such as tobacco or pan masala.

Q2: Why is Surrogate Advertising under scrutiny in Maharashtra?

Ans: Surrogate Advertising is under scrutiny after Maharashtra FDA questioned whether a Vimal Elaichi advertisement indirectly promoted the prohibited Vimal Pan Masala brand.

Q3: What penalties can apply to Surrogate Advertising?

Ans: Surrogate Advertising can attract penalties of up to ₹10 lakh initially and ₹50 lakh for subsequent violations under consumer protection regulations.

Q4: What responsibility do celebrities have regarding Surrogate Advertising?

Ans: In Surrogate Advertising cases, endorsers may need to demonstrate due diligence, disclose contracts and connections, and comply with consumer protection guidelines.

Q5: How does Indian law regulate Surrogate Advertising?

Ans: Surrogate Advertising is addressed through the Consumer Protection Act, 2019, CCPA guidelines, and food safety provisions restricting misleading and deceptive advertisements.

India’s Overseas Critical Mineral Quest

Critical Mineral

Critical Mineral Latest News

  • Critical minerals such as lithium, cobalt, nickel, rare earth elements and graphite are indispensable for electric vehicles (EVs), batteries, renewable energy, electronics, defence and advanced manufacturing. 
  • With domestic reserves and production insufficient to meet future demand, India is seeking overseas mineral assets through Khanij Bidesh India Ltd. (KABIL).
  • India’s critical-mineral strategy combines domestic exploration, overseas asset acquisition, recycling, substitution and processing capacity to reduce vulnerability to concentrated global supply chains.

KABIL and India’s Overseas Strategy

  • Established in 2019, KABIL is a joint venture of National Aluminium Company Ltd. (NALCO), Hindustan Copper Ltd. (HCL) and Mineral Exploration & Consultancy Ltd. (MECL). 
  • Its mandate is to identify, explore, acquire and develop overseas critical-mineral assets.
  • However, KABIL’s expansion has faced difficulties in Australia, Vietnam, Mali and Chile, with several proposed investments being delayed or abandoned. Argentina remains the principal area of tangible progress.

Relative Success and Opportunity Lost

  • Argentina:
    • KABIL has acquired five lithium brine blocks in Catamarca province. It is also evaluating seven additional greenfield lithium blocks in Catamarca and negotiating two more lithium projects in Jujuy.
    • The progress in Argentina reflects India’s attempt to secure lithium resources at source and develop a more resilient supply chain for the emerging battery economy.
  • Australia:
    • In December 2024, a consortium of KABIL, Coal India Ltd. (CIL), Oil India Ltd. (OIL) and ONGC Videsh Ltd. (OVL) submitted a non-binding offer of $184 million for stakes in Australia’s Mt Marion and Wodgina lithium mines.
    • After the bidding process was reopened, the consortium revised its offer to $233 million in September 2025. 
    • Nevertheless, the assets were ultimately acquired by South Korea’s POSCO, which paid $765 million for 15% stakes in each mine.
  • Why India lost the bid:
    • KABIL identified several lessons from the failed transaction -
      • High asset valuations amid intense international competition.
      • Volatility in lithium prices, creating uncertainty over project profitability.
      • Wide divergence in long-term spodumene concentrate price forecasts.
      • Absence of an adequate domestic value chain for spodumene concentrate.
      • Limited time for consortium partners to complete due diligence.
      • Financial constraints and difficulties in mobilising large amounts of capital.
    • The episode demonstrates that acquiring mineral resources alone is insufficient; India also requires domestic capabilities in processing, refining, technology, logistics and manufacturing.

Chile - Financial Constraints and Institutional Delays

  • KABIL also explored a lithium brine project in Chile involving a high-value investment. 
  • After signing a non-disclosure agreement (NDA) in October 2025, it obtained initial access to the project's data room.
  • Given the scale of investment, KABIL decided to pursue the opportunity jointly with other PSUs. 
  • However, due diligence could not be completed within the available timeframe, preventing submission of a bid.
  • In another opportunity involving Chile’s state-owned mining company ENAMI, KABIL explored the entire lithium value chain—from exploration and extraction to processing and commercialisation. 
  • It eventually transferred the opportunity to CIL because of limited financial capacity and the substantial investment already required for its Argentine projects.

Structural Challenges Experienced by KABIL

  • Four constraints:
    • Financial limitations: Critical-mineral projects require large upfront capital and have long gestation periods.
    • Commodity-price volatility: Lithium prices can fluctuate sharply, making high-priced acquisitions risky.
    • Global competition: Countries and companies with deeper financial resources can outbid Indian entities for strategic assets.
    • Geopolitical and country risks: Mining investments are exposed to regulatory changes, political instability, local opposition and resource nationalism in host countries.
  • India must therefore move from a narrow “mine acquisition” approach towards an integrated overseas mineral strategy involving sovereign partnerships, risk-sharing finance, long-term offtake agreements and domestic processing capacity.

Way Forward

  • India should strengthen KABIL through greater financial autonomy, professional project evaluation, faster inter-PSU coordination and specialised mineral expertise. 
  • Public-sector entities can partner with private companies, foreign governments and global mining firms to distribute risks.
  • Simultaneously, India needs to develop a domestic critical-mineral value chain, including beneficiation, refining, battery-material production and recycling.
  • The long-term objective should be mineral security rather than ownership of individual mines.
  • Diversified suppliers, strategic stockpiles, recycling, technological substitution and resilient supply chains can collectively reduce India’s external vulnerability.

Source: IE

Critical Mineral FAQs

Q1: Why are critical minerals strategically important for India?

Ans: Critical minerals such as lithium and rare earths are essential for EVs, batteries, renewable energy, etc.

Q2: What are the major challenges faced by KABIL in acquiring overseas critical-mineral assets?

Ans: KABIL faces high asset valuations, volatile mineral prices, financial constraints, intense global competition, etc.

Q3: What lessons can India draw from losing the Australian lithium assets to POSCO?

Ans: India needs greater financial capacity, faster decision-making, better price-risk assessment, stronger inter-PSU coordination, etc.

Q4: Why is overseas acquisition of critical minerals alone insufficient?

Ans: Mineral security requires an integrated ecosystem covering exploration, mining, beneficiation, refining, etc.

Q5: What measures are needed to strengthen India’s overseas critical-mineral strategy?

Ans: India should provide KABIL greater financial and operational autonomy, promote public-private and international partnerships.

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