Eastern Nagaland Autonomy: Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority Explained

Eastern Nagaland Autonomy through the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority grants semi-autonomous powers to six districts to address ENPO’s long-standing political and developmental demands.

Eastern Nagaland Autonomy Explained

Eastern Nagaland Autonomy Latest News

  • Recently, the Centre signed a tripartite agreement with the Nagaland Government and the Eastern Nagaland Peoples’ Organisation (ENPO) to establish the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA).
  • The FNTA is designed as a model of “devolutionary autonomy”, granting substantial administrative and financial powers to six relatively underdeveloped eastern districts — Kiphire, Longleng, Mon, Noklak, Shamator, and Tuensang. 
  • The aim of this devolution is to address long-standing demands for greater self-governance and focused development.

ENPO’s Demand for a Separate Frontier Nagaland

  • ENPO has long demanded the creation of a separate State called Frontier Nagaland, carved out of existing Nagaland. 
  • First formally conveyed to the Centre in 2010, the demand stems from historical neglect dating back to British-era policies that left the eastern hills largely unadministered.
  • After Nagaland became a State in 1963, eight Naga tribes in the eastern districts felt politically and economically marginalised compared to western tribes. 
  • This perceived developmental and administrative imbalance gradually intensified into a sustained movement for greater autonomy and, ultimately, statehood.

Why the Centre Accepted the Eastern Nagaland Autonomy Demand

  • The Centre’s move to grant autonomy through the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA) was shaped by both political pressure and strategic concerns. 
  • Earlier measures, including a ₹500-crore package and standard operating procedures, failed to address the deeper political aspirations of the ENPO region.
  • Tensions peaked in 2024 when ENPO leaders called for a Lok Sabha election boycott, highlighting their significant political leverage. 
  • Additionally, eastern Nagaland’s location along the sensitive Myanmar border made prolonged unrest a security risk, given the presence of armed groups across the porous frontier.
  • The FNTA is thus viewed as a stabilising measure — a way to address regional grievances while safeguarding a strategically vital border region.

Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA): Powers and Provisions

  • Semi-Autonomous Governance Structure – The FNTA grants semi-autonomous status to six eastern Nagaland districts. A mini-Secretariat, headed by a senior officer, will function within the region to decentralise administration and reduce reliance on Kohima.
  • Financial and Administrative Devolution – Development funds will be allocated proportionately based on population and area, with the Ministry of Home Affairs supporting initial establishment costs. This ensures direct financial empowerment of the region.
  • Legislative and Executive Authority – The FNTA will exercise powers over 46 subjects, enabling local decision-making in areas such as land use, agriculture, rural development, and infrastructure, tailored to local needs.
  • Safeguarding Constitutional Protections – Importantly, the arrangement does not alter Article 371(A), preserving Nagaland’s special constitutional safeguards related to customary laws and social practices.

Can the FNTA Model Address the Kuki-Zo Demand in Manipur

  • The FNTA demonstrates that the Centre can create territorial authorities as a compromise between full statehood and regular district administration. 
  • Structurally, it resembles Manipur’s Hill Areas Committee under Article 371(C), designed to protect tribal interests.
  • The model suggests that constitutional innovation can grant autonomy without redrawing State boundaries. 
  • This raises the possibility that a similar territorial arrangement could address the Kuki-Zo demand for a separate administrative setup.
  • However, conditions differ sharply. In Nagaland, negotiations occurred without violent conflict and had the cooperation of Chief Minister. In Manipur, deep ethnic tensions persist, and the Meitei-dominated state government strongly opposes administrative separation.
  • The presence of other groups, including the Tangkhul Naga-influenced NSCN, with overlapping claims in hill districts complicates any clean administrative restructuring, making replication of the FNTA model far more challenging.

Source: TH

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