UDAN Scheme Revamp – Expanding Regional Air Connectivity

UDAN Scheme

UDAN Scheme Latest News

  • The Union Cabinet has approved a revamped UDAN Scheme with higher funding and extended subsidy support. 

UDAN Scheme

  • The Ude Desh ka Aam Nagrik (UDAN) scheme was launched in 2017 under the Regional Connectivity Scheme (RCS) to enhance air connectivity to underserved and unserved regions.
  • Objectives
    • Improve regional connectivity across Tier-2 and Tier-3 cities. 
    • Make air travel affordable for common citizens. 
    • Promote balanced regional development. 
    • Enhance the infrastructure utilisation of unused and underutilised airports. 
  • Key Features
    • Airlines are selected through a competitive bidding mechanism
    • Viability Gap Funding (VGF) is provided to airlines to operate on less profitable routes. 
    • 50% of seats are offered at a capped fare of around Rs. 2,500 per hour of flight. 
    • Focus on connecting remote, hilly, and island regions. 
  • Funding Mechanism
    • Initially funded through a Regional Connectivity Scheme levy imposed on flights operating on major routes. 
    • The levy subsidised airlines operating on regional routes. 
  • Achievements of the Scheme
    • Over 600 routes have been operationalised since launch. 
    • More than 90 airports, including many previously unused airstrips, have been revived. 
    • Improved last-mile connectivity in remote areas such as the North-East and hilly regions. 
  • Challenges
    • Low route viability after subsidy withdrawal. 
    • Limited passenger demand in certain regions. 
    • Operational challenges such as infrastructure gaps and airline sustainability. 
    • High discontinuation rate of routes after the subsidy period. 

News Summary

  • The government has approved a major revamp of the UDAN scheme to address structural issues and improve sustainability.
  • Increased Funding and Scope
    • The revamped scheme has a total outlay of Rs. 28,840 crore, which marks a nearly six-fold increase from the earlier allocation. 
    • The scheme now goes beyond airport redevelopment to include support for operations and maintenance.
  • Extension of Subsidy Period
    • Subsidy support for airlines has been extended from three years to five years
    • This aims to improve route viability and reduce premature discontinuation. 
  • Shift in Funding Source
    • Subsidy funding will now come directly from the government exchequer instead of the RCS levy. 
    • This marks a significant policy shift in financing the scheme. 
  • Viability Concerns Highlighted
    • The revamp was triggered by poor performance under the earlier scheme:
    • Over 90% of routes fell into disuse after subsidy withdrawal. 
    • Only about 7%-10% of routes remained viable beyond the subsidy period, as noted by a CAG report. 
    • Out of 663 routes launched since 2017, 327 have been discontinued.
  • Airport Infrastructure and Expansion
    • 100 additional airports will be redeveloped with an outlay of Rs. 12,159 crore. 
    • Around 441 aerodromes will receive operational and maintenance support. 
    • This reflects a shift from infrastructure creation to sustained operational support.
  • Focus on Last-Mile Connectivity
    • Development of 200 helipads to improve connectivity in remote regions. 
    • Investment in helicopters and small aircraft to strengthen regional aviation networks. 
  • Support for Aircraft Procurement
    • Procurement of HAL Dhruv helicopters for Pawan Hans. 
    • Procurement of HAL Dornier aircraft for Alliance Air. 
    • This aims to enhance fleet availability for regional routes.

Source: TH

UDAN Scheme FAQs

Q1: What is the objective of the UDAN Scheme?

Ans: It aims to improve regional air connectivity and make air travel affordable.

Q2: How does UDAN ensure affordability?

Ans: It caps fares for 50% of seats at around Rs. 2,500 per hour of flight.

Q3: What major change has been introduced in the revamped scheme?

Ans: The subsidy period has been extended from three to five years.

Q4: Why was the UDAN scheme revamped?

Ans: Due to low route viability and high discontinuation rates after subsidies ended.

Q5: How is the revamped scheme funded?

Ans: Subsidies are now funded directly from the government exchequer.

Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) – India’s Updated Climate Commitments Balancing Development and Decarbonisation

Nationally Determined Contributions

Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) Latest News

  • India has unveiled its updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) for 2035 under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), in line with its obligations under the Paris Agreement
  • These targets reflect a progression over earlier commitments and aim to reconcile climate ambition with developmental priorities and energy security.

Key Highlights of India’s 2035 NDC Targets

  • Expansion of non-fossil energy capacity:
    • Target: 60% of installed electricity capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035.
    • Current status: India already achieved about 52% (2025). Target was to achieve 50% by 2030.
    • Sources include: Solar, wind, hydro, biomass, nuclear.
    • Indication: Early achievement of 2030 target (50%), showcasing rapid renewable expansion.
  • Reduction in emissions intensity:
    • Target: 47% reduction in emissions intensity of GDP (from 2005 levels) by 2035.
    • Current progress: 36% reduction achieved (2005–2020) and the 2030 target is 45% reduction.
    • This reflects continued emphasis on energy efficiency and low-carbon growth.
  • Enhancement of carbon sink:
    • Target: 3.5–4 billion tonnes CO₂ equivalent carbon sink.
    • Current progress: About 2.3 billion tonnes achieved by 2021 (2.5–3 bn tonnes to be achieved by 2030).
    • Focus on afforestation, reforestation, and ecosystem restoration.

Understanding NDC and Climate Governance

  • What are NDCs? These are voluntary climate action plans under the Paris framework, updated every 5 years with increasing ambition, reflecting national circumstances and capabilities.
  • India’s NDC evolution: Demonstrates incremental progression principle.
    • 2015: First NDC (targeting 2025)
    • 2022: Updated NDC (targets for 2030)
    • 2026: Third NDC (targets for 2035)
  • Global stocktake (GST) influence: Based on findings of the Global Stocktake (GST) (initiated 2021), it was held that the world is not on track for the 1.5°C goal.
  • India’s targets: These are shaped by equity and CBDR-RC principle (Common But Differentiated Responsibilities), developmental needs and energy security. India is on track or ahead in several parameters.

Significance of India’s Climate Strategy

  • Leadership of Global South: India positioned as a climate leader among developing countries. This signals commitment despite the historical responsibility of developed nations.
  • Balancing growth with sustainability: Focus on energy access, industrial growth, and climate mitigation, and reflecting “climate justice” approach.
  • Strategic autonomy in climate policy: NDCs are self-determined, not externally imposed, aligning with domestic priorities like energy security and affordable power.

Main Pillars of India’s Climate Strategy

  • India’s NDC is operationalized through the National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) and its nine national missions, as well as the State Action Plans on Climate Change (SAPCC). 
  • India’s climate action is being implemented at local level through various schemes and programme such as 
    • Jal Jeevan Mission, 
    • National Mission on Sustainable Agriculture, Sustainable Habitat, 
    • MISHTI (Mangrove Initiative for Shoreline Habitats & Tangible Incomes), 
    • National Disaster Management Plan, 
    • Soil Health Card and 
    • Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana (PMKSY), etc.  
  • People-centric approach:
    • India’s climate efforts are centered around the principle of “Lifestyle for Environment (LiFE),” which is transforming sustainable living into a mass movement.
    • The initiatives like ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Nam’ transformed tree plantation into a people-driven climate action.

Challenges and Concerns

  • Modest ambition: Critics argue that targets do not match India’s current progress. For example, 60% non-fossil capacity is seen as under-ambitious.
  • Gap between capacity and generation: Though 52% capacity is non-fossil, only ~25% actual generation due to intermittency of renewables.
  • Land and infrastructure constraints: Renewable expansion faces land acquisition issues, and transmission bottlenecks.
  • Forest cover limitations: Current forest and tree cover (~24.6%) is lower than the target of 33% (National Forest Policy).
  • Global inequities: Developed countries allegedly rolling back climate commitments, and imposing unilateral trade measures (e.g., carbon border taxes).

Way Forward

  • Enhancing renewable energy ecosystem: Invest in grid infrastructure, energy storage technologies, and green hydrogen.
  • Bridging capacity-generation gap: Improve efficiency and reliability of renewables. Promote hybrid systems (solar + wind + storage).
  • Strengthening carbon sink: Expand agroforestry, urban forestry, and community-led conservation.
  • Climate finance mobilisation: Push for international climate finance, technology transfer, and leverage initiatives like green bonds.
  • Policy and institutional reforms: Streamline approvals for renewable projects. Strengthen climate governance frameworks.

Conclusion

  • India’s updated 2035 NDCs reflect a measured yet pragmatic escalation in climate ambition, rooted in equity and developmental realities. 
  • While the country is on track to meet or exceed several existing targets, concerns remain about the adequacy of ambition in the face of the global climate crisis. 
  • Going forward, India’s role will be crucial in shaping a just, inclusive, and sustainable global climate order, particularly as a voice of the Global South.

Source: TH | IE

Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)

Q1: What is the significance of India’s updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)?

Ans: It reflects a balance between climate ambition and developmental priorities while reinforcing its leadership role in global climate governance.

Q2: How does the principle of CBDR-RC shape India’s climate commitments?

Ans: It enables India to pursue climate action aligned with its developmental needs while holding developed nations accountable.

Q3: Why does India face challenges in the actual clean energy transition?

Ans: The gap arises due to intermittency of renewables, storage limitations, and grid infrastructure constraints.

Q4: Whether India’s 2035 NDC targets are sufficiently ambitious in light of current progress?

Ans: While achievable, the targets are considered modest as they underutilize India’s rapid renewable growth potential.

Q5: What is the role of carbon sinks in India’s climate strategy?

Ans: Carbon sinks are vital for offsetting emissions, but challenges include inadequate forest cover, land constraints, etc.

Constitutional Roadblocks in Expanding Lok Sabha Seats Explained

Constitutional Roadblocks in Expanding Lok Sabha Seats

Constitutional Roadblocks in Expanding Lok Sabha Seats Latest News

  • The government has proposed increasing Lok Sabha seats from 543 to 816 — a 50% rise — based on the 2011 Census (rather than the upcoming Census) to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (Women's Reservation Act), 2023
  • The proposal, being discussed with various political parties to build consensus, is likely to face significant legal and constitutional hurdles.

What Is Being Proposed

  • Lok Sabha seats to be increased from 543 to 816.
  • 273 seats to be reserved for women (33% of 816).
  • Delimitation to be based on the 2011 Census, not the upcoming Census.
  • Existing proportional representation among states to be maintained.
  • A similar increase proposed for state Assembly seats.

Why the 2011 Census

  • The Women's Reservation Act, 2023 links the implementation of the quota to delimitation, which in turn requires a fresh Census. 
  • By using the 2011 Census instead of waiting for a new one, the government aims to fast-track implementation while avoiding the politically sensitive issue of states with higher populations — largely in the north — gaining seats at the expense of southern states that have performed better on population control.

Constitutional Provisions Governing Lok Sabha Seat Allocation

  • Article 81 establishes the foundational principle of equal representation in the Lok Sabha through two key clauses:
    • Article 81(2)(a) — The ratio between the number of seats allotted to a state and its population must be, as far as practicable, the same for all states.
    • Article 81(2)(b) — Each state must be divided into constituencies such that the ratio between the population of each constituency and the number of seats allotted to it is, as far as practicable, uniform throughout the state.
  • Article 81 makes a single exception — very small states with a population not exceeding 6 million are allowed disproportionate representation to ensure they still receive adequate representation in the Lower House.
  • Article 82 mandates that upon the completion of each Census, both:
    • The allocation of Lok Sabha seats to states, and
    • The division of each state into territorial constituencies

The Delimitation Freeze: Why Lok Sabha Seats Have Been Unchanged Since 1971

  • The current freeze on delimitation — meaning Lok Sabha seat allocation has remained unchanged since 1971 — is the result of two successive constitutional amendments:
    • 1976 Amendment — Froze the definition of "last preceding census" in Articles 81 and 82 to mean the 1971 Census for the purpose of seat allocation among states. This freeze was set for 25 years.
    • 2001 Amendment — Extended the freeze further, until the "relevant figures for the first census taken after the year 2026 have been published". The freeze will thus automatically expire once the current Census figures are released.

Why Was the Freeze Introduced

  • The core reason was the fear of southern states losing political representation:
    • Southern states had stabilised their populations through effective family planning.
    • Several northern states, however, were experiencing rapid population growth.
    • Under a strictly population-based delimitation, southern states would have seen their relative share of Lok Sabha seats decline — effectively penalising them for their success in controlling population growth
    • The freeze was thus a political compromise to ensure that states were not disadvantaged for performing better on demographic indicators.

The Road Ahead: How Delimitation Will Proceed

  • If the government chooses not to extend the freeze, the next step would be Parliament passing a new Delimitation Act under Article 82. 
  • This is the established constitutional process:
    • Census conducted → figures published
    • Parliament passes a Delimitation Act
    • Central Government constitutes a Delimitation Commission
    • The Commission demarcates boundaries of Parliamentary constituencies as per the Act

The Last Delimitation Exercise

  • As per the Election Commission, the most recent delimitation of constituencies was conducted on the basis of 2001 Census figures under the Delimitation Act, 2002. 
  • This was an intra-state delimitation — redrawing constituency boundaries within states — and is distinct from the inter-state seat allocation, which has remained frozen since 1976.

Legal Tests: The Constitutional Hurdles Ahead

  • The Core Constraint: Article 81
    • Any delimitation exercise using the 2011 Census must comply with Article 81's "one person, one vote, one value" principle — ensuring each constituency has roughly equal population. 
    • Unless Article 81 itself is amended, the Delimitation Commission cannot arbitrarily increase seats by 50% per state without being bound by this principle.
  • Two Possible Legal Routes
    • Route 1: Amend the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam
      • If women's reservation is delinked from the next Census and delimitation by amending the Act itself, there would be no need for a Delimitation Commission — and reservation would automatically come into force. 
      • This is the simpler path.
    • Route 2: Amend Articles 81 and 82
      • If the government proceeds with delimitation using 2011 data, it would need to amend Articles 81 and 82 — opening the door to judicial challenge on multiple grounds.
  • Constitutional Challenges
    • Violation of Right to Equality — Amending Article 81(2)(a) to do away with the "one person, one vote" principle could be challenged as violating Article 14 (Right to Equality) and thereby the Basic Structure of the Constitution.
    • Article 14's Reasonable Classification Test — Even invoking positive discrimination under Article 14 would require proving that southern states need special protection based on backwardness — a standard India's legal system currently does not recognise for states with better development indicators.
    • Delimitation Commission's Judicial Reviewability — Any constitutional violations by the Commission can be challenged in court.
  • A Possible Way Out: The "Compensatory Principle"
    • Experts suggests that since constitutional amendments are inevitable, Parliament could devise a "compensatory principle" to address the concerns of southern states — potentially offering them safeguards against losing relative representation.

Source: IE

Constitutional Roadblocks in Expanding Lok Sabha Seats FAQs

Q1: What are the constitutional roadblocks in expanding Lok Sabha seats?

Ans: Constitutional roadblocks in expanding Lok Sabha seats arise from Article 81, equality principles, delimitation rules, and the existing freeze on seat allocation since 1971.

Q2: Why is the 2011 Census being used in the Lok Sabha expansion proposal?

Ans: The government proposes using the 2011 Census to fast-track women’s reservation while avoiding political tensions over population-based redistribution among northern and southern states.

Q3: How does Article 81 create hurdles in Lok Sabha expansion?

Ans: Article 81 mandates equal population-to-seat ratio, making arbitrary seat increases difficult without constitutional amendment, thus posing a key challenge to Lok Sabha expansion.

Q4: What is the delimitation freeze and why is it important?

Ans: The delimitation freeze, extended until post-2026 Census, prevents redistribution of seats among states, protecting southern states from losing representation due to population control success.

Q5: What legal challenges can arise from the proposal?

Ans: The proposal may face judicial scrutiny for violating equality under Article 14 and the basic structure doctrine if proportional representation and “one person, one vote” principles are diluted.

WTO MC14 Key Battles Over Trade Rules and Global Equity Explained

WTO MC14

WTO MC14 Latest News

  • The WTO’s 14th Ministerial Conference (MC14) will be held from March 26–29 in Yaoundé, Cameroon. 
  • As the organisation’s highest decision-making body, it meets roughly every two years and has the authority to take decisions on WTO rules and set the future direction of global trade negotiations.

MC14: A Multilateral Meeting in a Unilateral World

  • The MC14 is taking place against a deeply troubled backdrop for global trade. 
  • Rising US-China geopolitical rivalry, ongoing global conflicts, and the increasing securitisation of trade relations have collectively weakened the foundations of multilateral cooperation.
  • Most significantly, trade multilateralism is in retreat as unilateralism surges. The US has launched a sweeping assault on the WTO-based trading order by weaponising tariffs — imposing them arbitrarily in ways that violate two cardinal WTO principles:
    • The Most Favoured Nation (MFN) Rule — which prohibits discriminatory treatment between trading partners.
    • Bound Rate Obligations — which prevent countries from imposing tariffs beyond mutually agreed ceilings.
  • Beyond tariffs, the US has also begun negotiating one-sided bilateral trade agreements through tariff coercion — pressuring countries into deals on American terms, further bypassing the multilateral framework that the WTO was built to uphold.

Why Trade Multilateralism Is in Crisis

  • The roots of the crisis lie in Washington's growing belief that the WTO — which the US itself was instrumental in creating in 1995 — has not served American interests. 
  • Two developments have driven this disillusionment:
    • China's Rise — China's meteoric economic growth over the past two decades has significantly narrowed the power gap between Washington and Beijing.
    • Failed Expectations — The US had hoped that China's WTO accession (which it facilitated) would discipline Beijing's state-led industrial policies. It did not.

The US Response: Dismantling the WTO from Within

  • Rather than reforming the WTO, the US chose to weaken it:
    • It paralysed the WTO's Appellate Body — the organisation's highest judicial arm — by relentlessly blocking the appointment of its members.
    • Without a functioning Appellate Body, the WTO's dispute settlement system — its most powerful enforcement tool — has been rendered ineffective.
  • This gives the US the freedom to act outside WTO legal constraints and confront China on its own terms

The WTO's Internal Weakness: Consensus Paralysis

  • Beyond US actions, the WTO suffers from a structural weakness — its consensus-based decision-making makes drafting new trade rules extremely slow. 
  • In over three decades, the WTO has produced only two new agreements:
    • Trade Facilitation Agreement
    • Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies
  • This sluggishness has pushed countries to seek trade rule-making through Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) — bypassing the multilateral framework altogether.

Key Issues at MC14

1. Plurilateral Agreements: A Way Forward or a Pandora's Box

  • A central debate at MC14 is whether plurilateral agreements — deals between fewer than all WTO members — should be incorporated into the WTO rulebook (Annex 4). 
  • Two key agreements are in focus:
  • While inclusion in Annex 4 requires consensus among all members, many countries see plurilateral agreements as the best way to reinvigorate the WTO's stalled legislative function. 
  • India, however, warns that opening this door could fragment the system — a logjam MC14 must resolve.

2. The E-Commerce Moratorium

  • First agreed in 1998 and renewed every two years, this moratorium prevents WTO members from imposing tariffs on electronic transmissions. It is set to expire on March 31. Developed countries want it made permanent.
  • Developing countries like India are reluctant — as digital trade has surged, continuing the moratorium could mean significant revenue losses.

3. Special and Differential Treatment (SDT)

  • SDT recognises that not all WTO members are on equal footing and grants special rights to developing countries and LDCs. 
  • The US wants to weaken SDT by excluding larger developing economies — China, India, Brazil, and Indonesia — from its benefits. Developing countries must strongly resist this move.

4. Restoring the Appellate Body

  • With the WTO's dispute settlement system paralysed by the US blocking Appellate Body appointments, MC14 must unequivocally demand its restoration to put the WTO's judicial function back on track.

5. Defending Foundational WTO Principles

  • The US is expected to use MC14 to challenge core WTO principles, particularly the MFN (Most Favoured Nation) rule. 
  • Developing countries that benefit from these principles must mount a strong, united opposition.

What Should India Do at MC14

  • India, a long-standing advocate of trade multilateralism, must now lead by example. 
  • It should use MC14 to champion multilateralism, forge alliances with developing countries, and reclaim its role as the normative leader of the Global South.
  • To do this effectively, India must be willing to revisit entrenched positions — including its opposition to plurilateral agreements — and explore innovative solutions like electing Appellate Body members through voting.
  • A failed MC14 would hand a victory to American unilateralism and its coercion-based trade order — an outcome deeply damaging to the developing world.

Source: TH

WTO MC14 FAQs

Q1: What are the key battles at WTO MC14 over trade rules and global equity?

Ans: WTO MC14 key battles over trade rules and global equity include debates on plurilateral agreements, e-commerce tariffs, SDT provisions, and restoring dispute settlement mechanisms.

Q2: Why is trade multilateralism in crisis at WTO MC14?

Ans: Trade multilateralism is weakening due to US tariff unilateralism, Appellate Body paralysis, and increasing preference for bilateral trade agreements over WTO-led negotiations.

Q3: What is the e-commerce moratorium issue at MC14?

Ans: The e-commerce moratorium prevents tariffs on digital trade; developed countries want it permanent, while developing nations fear revenue losses and oppose its extension.

Q4: What is Special and Differential Treatment (SDT)?

Ans: SDT allows developing countries flexibility in WTO rules, but developed nations seek to limit its benefits for larger economies like India and China.

Q5: Why is restoring the Appellate Body important?

Ans: Restoring the Appellate Body is crucial to revive WTO’s dispute settlement system, ensuring enforcement of trade rules and preventing unilateral violations by powerful economies.

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