2025 for January 1970

105th Constitutional Amendment Act, Important Dates, Significance

August 5, 2025

The 105th Constitutional Amendment Act, 2021 officially titled the Constitution (One Hundred and Fifth Amendment) Act restored the authority of State governments to identify Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs), including Other Backward Classes (OBCs). This amendment was introduced in response to a Supreme Court ruling in 2021, which interpreted the 102nd Amendment as having taken away this power from the States. To address the issue promptly, the amendment was passed by both Houses of Parliament and received Presidential assent on August 18, 2021.

105th Constitutional Amendment Act

The Constitution (One Hundred and Fifth Amendment) Act, 2021 reaffirmed the authority of state governments to identify and notify Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs), which include communities such as Other Backward Classes (OBCs). This amendment clarified the state’s power to prepare and maintain their own list of SEBCs, following concerns raised after a Supreme Court judgment. It was enacted after receiving the assent of the President of India on August 18, 2021. As of September 28, 2023, the Indian Constitution has undergone a total of 106 amendments since it came into effect in 1950.

105 Constitutional Amendment Act

The 105th Constitutional Amendment Act, 2021 is the most recent amendment to the Indian Constitution. Its purpose is to restore the power of state governments to identify and list Other Backward Classes (OBCs) who are socially and educationally backward.

This amendment modifies clauses (1) and (2) of Article 342A and introduces a new clause (3). It also amends Articles 366(26C) and 338B. The key takeaway is that states retain the authority to maintain their own OBC lists.

The 102nd Amendment had created a Central List of OBCs controlled solely by the Centre, without affecting the state’s powers. However, confusion over its interpretation raised concerns that states might lose the right to identify backward communities.

It ensures that around 671 OBC communities can continue to access reservation benefits in state-run education and employment benefits they might have lost if the state lists were invalidated.

Also Check: 103rd Constitutional Amendment Act

Prime Reasons for Latest Amendment of the Indian Constitution (105th)

The 105th Constitutional Amendment Act was enacted to restore the authority of states and Union Territories to maintain their own lists of Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Under Articles 15(4), 15(5), and 16(4) of the Indian Constitution, states are empowered to identify and declare socially and educationally backward classes. In practice, both the Centre and individual states maintain separate OBC lists. The need for this amendment arose following the Supreme Court's judgment in the Maratha reservation case, which upheld the 102nd Constitutional Amendment Act. That amendment had introduced Articles 338B and 342A, placing the power to specify backward classes with the President, in consultation with Governors, thereby limiting the role of states. The 105th Amendment sought to clarify and reinstate the state’s legislative competence in this domain.

Important Dates & Events Directing to the 105th Amendment of the Indian Constitution

The table below includes the Important Dates & Events Directing to the 105th Amendment of the Indian Constitution:

Important Dates & Events Directing to the 105th Amendment of the Indian Constitution
Name of the Act/Report	Year	Effectiveness
Mandal Commission Report	1980	The Mandal Commission submitted its report in 1980. It was established in 1979. Suggested reservations for OBCs for employment and education, impacting prospective amendments and lawful actions, including the 105th Amendment.
Supreme Court Judgment in Indra Sawhney Case	1992	On November 16, 1992, the Mandal recommendations introduced a 50% cap on reservations and excluded the "creamy layer" of OBCs. Set legal precedents that influenced the 105th Amendment of the Indian Constitution.
Maharashtra SEBC Act	2018	On November 30, 2018, Maharashtra law provided reservations for Marathas under SEBC. Highlighted a constitutional amendment to clarify states in determining SEBCs.
Supreme Court Judgment in Maratha Quota Case	2021	On May 5, 2021, the Maharashtra SEBC Act was struck down, stating that states couldn't identify SEBCs after the 102nd Amendment. Demonstrated the need for the 105th Amendment of the Indian Constitution to restore states' powers.
Introduction of the 105th Amendment of the Indian Constitution Bill	2021	On August 9, 2021, introduced in the Lok Sabha. Aimed to amend the Constitution to restore states' power to identify SEBCs.
Passage of the 105th Amendment of Indian Constitution Bill	2021	On August 10-11, 2021, Passed by Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. Demonstrated broad consensus and urgency.
Presidential Assent	2021	The President gave assent on August 18, 2021, making it official. Restored states' power to identify and notify SEBCs.

105th Constitutional Amendment Significance

The 105th Constitutional Amendment Act, 2021 is one of the most recent additions to the Indian Constitution. Its primary objective is to restore and clarify the authority of State Governments in identifying and notifying Other Backward Classes (OBCs) who are socially and educationally disadvantaged. Enacted on August 18, 2021, this Amendment marks a significant step in reinforcing the federal structure and the legislative process through which social justice is implemented across India.

The Act reinforces the State’s exclusive power to identify OBCs for their respective territories, ensuring the continuation of state-specific welfare measures.
It establishes that the Central List of OBCs will only be applicable to the Central Government and its institutions.
The Amendment does not interfere with State Lists or limit the State’s authority to recognize or notify backward communities.
Nearly 671 OBC communities stood to lose reservation benefits in education and employment if the State List had been abolished. This Amendment safeguards their rights.
It reflects the government's commitment to social justice, equality, and inclusive development, particularly for historically marginalised communities.

Also Check: 104th Constitutional Amendment Act

105th Constitutional Amendment Impact

The 105th Constitutional Amendment Act brought notable changes by amending Clauses (1) and (2) of Article 342A and inserting a new Clause (3). It made corresponding amendments to Articles 366 and 338B. The primary objective of this Amendment was to restore the authority of state governments to identify and notify Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs) for their respective states.

By modifying the above-mentioned provisions, the Amendment reinstated the power of states to maintain their own list of SEBCs, an authority that had been reduced following the Supreme Court’s interpretation in the Maratha reservation judgment. This legislative intervention aimed to strike a balance between the centralised framework of backward class identification and the federal structure of governance.

The debate over reservations both in support and opposition has been ongoing for decades. Despite several decades of independence, India continues to grapple with socio-economic disparities. The 105th Amendment marks another legislative effort towards achieving social justice and equal opportunity by enabling states to better address the specific needs of underrepresented communities within their jurisdictions.

105th Constitutional Amendment Act FAQs

Q1: What is the 105th Constitutional Amendment Act, 2021?

Ans: The 105th Amendment restores state’s power to identify and notify socially and educationally backward classes (SEBCs) for their respective lists.

Q2: When was the 105th Constitutional Amendment enacted?

Ans: It received Presidential assent on 18 August 2021 and came into effect retrospectively from 15 August 2021.

Q3: Why was the 105th Amendment necessary?

Ans: It was enacted following the Supreme Court’s interpretation in the Maratha reservation case, which limited state powers on OBC identification.

Q4: Which Articles were amended by the 105th Amendment?

Ans: The amendment changed Articles 338B and 342A and added a new clause to Article 366 of the Constitution.

Q5: What does Article 342A deal with after the 105th Amendment?

Ans: Article 342A allows the President to notify the central list of SEBCs and empowers states to maintain their own SEBC lists.

First Round Table Conference, Background, Features, Participants

August 5, 2025

The Simon Commission Report, published in 1930 during a period of intense government repression and the height of the Civil Disobedience Movement, failed to propose dominion status for India. This omission transferred even the most moderate sections of Indian political thought, further intensifying opposition to British rule. In response, the Viceroy extended an invitation to Indian leaders for a Round Table Conference, indicating that the question of granting dominion status would be considered. Consequently, between 1930 and 1932, the British government held a series of Round Table Conferences to deliberate on the future governance structure of India.

First Round Table Conference

The First Round Table Conference marked the beginning of a series of three conferences convened by the British Government between 1930 and 1932 to deliberate on constitutional reforms in India. These conferences were organized in line with the recommendations of the Simon Commission Report 1930. The inaugural session was formally opened by King George V on 12 November 1930 at the House of Lords in London. The proceedings were presided over by the then Prime Minister of Britain, Ramsay MacDonald.

First Round Table Conference Background

Several voices within the British political establishment had begun advocating for India to be granted dominion status. Meanwhile, the Indian freedom movement was gaining momentum under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, who initiated the cause of swaraj (self-rule).
The Round Table Conferences were convened based on recommendations made by Muhammad Ali Jinnah to Viceroy Lord Irwin and Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, as well as the findings of the Simon Commission.
The First Round Table Conference, held on November 12, 1930, marked a significant occasion where Indian and British representatives engaged on equal footing for the first time.
Although the Indian National Congress and several leading industrialists boycotted the event, numerous other Indian political and social groups participated.

First Round Table Conference Features

The first Round Table Conference was held in London from November 1930 to January 1931, under the leadership of British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. It marked the first formal meeting where Indians and British officials sat across the table as political equals. However, the Indian National Congress, then the largest political party in the country, chose to boycott the conference.

Despite this, several key groups did take part, including representatives of the Princely States, the Muslim League, the Justice Party, and the Hindu Mahasabha. But without Congress at the meeting, the talks failed to produce any major breakthrough. The British government came away with one clear lesson: any serious conversation about the constitutional future of India would be incomplete without the Congress.

First Round Table Conference Participants

The First Round Table Conference saw participation from a wide range of representatives. Sixteen delegates came from the three major British political parties, while India was represented by 74 delegates. Among them, 58 were from Indian political parties and 16 from princely states. Other than this, representatives from zamindari estates in Bihar, the United Provinces, and Orissa, as well as from universities, Burma, Sindh, and other provinces, were present.

First Round Table Conference Participants
Participant	Represented by
Indian Princely States	Maharaja of Alwar, Maharaja of Baroda, Nawab of Bhopal, Maharaja of Bikaner, Rana of Dholpur, Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, Maharaja of Nawanagar, Maharaja of Patiala, Maharaja of Rewa, Chief Sahib of Sangli, Sir Prabhashankar Pattani (Bhavnagar), Manubhai Mehta (Baroda), Sardar Sahibzada Sultan Ahmed Khan (Gwalior), Akbar Hydari (Hyderabad), Mirza Ismail (Mysore), Col. Kailas Narain Haksar (Jammu and Kashmir)
Muslim League	Aga Khan III (leader of British-Indian delegation), Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Muhammad Shafi, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Muhammad Zafarullah Khan, A.K. Fazlul Huq, Hafiz Ghulam Hussain Hidayat Ullah, Dr.Shafa’at Ahmad Khan, Raja Sher Muhammad Khan of Domeli, and A.H. Ghuznavi
Hindu Mahasabha	B.S. Moonje, M.R. Jayakar, and Diwan Bahadur Raja Narendra Nath
Sikhs	Sardar Ujjal Singh and Sardar Sampuran Singh
Parsis	Phiroze Sethna, Cowasji Jehangir, and Homi Mody
Women	Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz and Radhabai Subbarayan
Liberals	J.N. Basu, Tej Bahadur Sapru, C.Y. Chintamani, V.S. Srinivasa Sastri, and Chimanlal Harilal Setalvad
Depressed Classes	B.R. Ambedkar and Rettamalai Srinivasan
Justice Party	Arcot Ramasamy Mudaliar, Bhaskarrao Vithojirao Jadhav, and Sir A.P. Patro
Labour	N.M. Joshi and B. Shiva Rao
Indian Christians	K.T. Pau
Anglo-Indians	Henry Gidney
Europeans	Sir Hubert Carr, Sir Oscar de Glanville (Burma), T.F. Gavin Jones, C.E. Wood (Madras)
Government of India	Nath Law, Bhupendra Nath Mitra, C.P. Ramaswami Iyer, and M. Ramachandra Rao

First Round Table Conference Issues Discussed

The First Round Table Conference examined the structure of a federal government for India.
The constitutional framework for provinces was a key topic of discussion.
Issues concerning Sindh and the Northwest Frontier Province, as well as the protection of minority rights and defense services, were addressed.
The principle of executive accountability to the legislature was debated.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar advocated for the provision of separate electorates for the Scheduled Castes, referred to at the time as “untouchables.”
Tej Bahadur Sapru proposed the creation of an All-India Federation, a suggestion that received support from the Muslim League.
The princely states expressed their willingness to join the federation, provided that their internal autonomy and sovereignty were safeguarded.

First Round Table Conference Outcome

The First Round Table Conference was held between 1930 and 1931.
Though reforms were discussed during the conference, none were actually put into practice.
At the time, Congress leaders were actively leading the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Because of their absence, the conference made little progress and was largely seen as a failure.
The British Government soon realised that without the Indian National Congress, no meaningful reforms could move forward.
They hoped Congress would participate in the next round.
In March 1931, Gandhi and Lord Irwin signed the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, bringing the Civil Disobedience Movement to an end and paving the way for Congress to join the Second Round Table Conference.
It became clear to the British that Congress had to play a central role in shaping India’s constitutional future.

First Round Table Conference FAQs

Q1: What was the First Round Table Conference?

Ans: The First Round Table Conference was a series of political discussions held in London in 1930 to consider constitutional reforms in British India.

Q2: When did the First Round Table Conference take place?

Ans: It was held from November 12, 1930, to January 19, 1931, in London at St. James's Palace.

Q3: Who organized the First Round Table Conference?

Ans: The British Government, led by Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, organized the conference to discuss India's constitutional future.

Q4: Did the Indian National Congress attend the First Round Table Conference?

Ans: No, the Indian National Congress boycotted the conference due to the Civil Disobedience Movement launched under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership.

Q5: Who represented India at the First Round Table Conference?

Ans: Delegates included representatives from princely states, Muslim League, Hindu Mahasabha, Dalits (Dr. B.R. Ambedkar), and other minority and special interest groups.

Doctrine of Eclipse, Elements, Features, Cases Related

August 5, 2025

The Doctrine of Eclipse is discussed in Article 13(1) of the Constitution of India, which deals with pre-constitutional laws or existing laws. According to the Doctrine of Eclipse, if a law was valid when it was made but later became unconstitutional because it clashed with Fundamental Rights under the Constitution, it isn’t completely dead, it’s just in a dormant state. If the Constitution is later amended and the conflict is removed, the law comes back to life and can be enforced again.

Doctrine of Eclipse

When the Constitution of India was adopted various laws which were already existing faced legal challenges as they violated the Fundamental Rights. Just that way, the Doctrine of Eclipse was introduced to evaluate the judicial review. The legal document for Doctrine of Eclipse was declared in the Supreme Court by the judges in Bhikaji Narain Dhakras and Ors v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1955).

Also Read: Doctrine of Severability

Doctrine of Eclipse Elements

Doctrine of Eclipse included in the Constitution of India has various elements which includes:

The Doctrine of Eclipse asserts that a constitutional amendment does not permanently eliminate a pre-existing fundamental right; rather, it places the right in temporary abeyance.
The affected fundamental right remains overshadowed by the constitutional amendment, meaning it cannot be actively enforced while the amendment is in effect.
If the constitutional amendment is subsequently repealed or declared unconstitutional, the suppressed fundamental right regains its enforceability and full legal effect.
Even during its period of eclipse, the fundamental right may continue to apply indirectly in areas not specifically targeted or affected by the amendment.
The doctrine does not deem the entire amendment invalid. It may still hold legal standing in circumstances where it does not directly conflict with the fundamental right in question.
This doctrine maintains a balance between the authority to amend the Constitution and the sanctity of fundamental rights, ensuring that rights are not absolutely extinguished.

Doctrine of Eclipse Features

The Doctrine of Eclipse is applicable to laws that were enacted before the commencement of the Indian Constitution on 26th January 1950. If such laws conflict with the Fundamental Rights, they are not void ab initio but become dormant.
This doctrine does not extend to laws enacted after the adoption of the Constitution. Any post-Constitutional law that violates Fundamental Rights is considered void from inception and cannot be revived by subsequent constitutional amendments.
Conflict with Fundamental Rights: When a law is inconsistent with the Fundamental Rights, it is overshadowed and rendered inoperative to the extent of the inconsistency, rather than being struck down entirely.
The Doctrine does not annul the law. It merely suspends its enforceability until the constitutional inconsistency is resolved.
If a constitutional amendment removes the inconsistency with Fundamental Rights, the previously eclipsed law automatically becomes operative and enforceable.

Doctrine of Eclipse and Article 368

The Punjab Security and Land Tenures Act, 1953, was challenged in I.C. Golaknath v. State of Punjab on the grounds that it violated the fundamental right to acquire and hold property and to practise any profession. The case brought into question the scope and validity of Article 368, which grants Parliament the power to amend the Constitution.

The Supreme Court held that Parliament did not have the authority to amend Part III of the Constitution, thereby placing a limitation on its amending power and rendering Article 368 partially inoperative in this context. This position was later overruled in the landmark case of Kesavananda Bharati v. Union of India, which clarified that Parliament does possess the power to amend fundamental rights, provided the basic structure of the Constitution remains intact. Consequently, the earlier restrictions on Article 368 were lifted.

Doctrine of Eclipse and Section 309

The Doctrine of Eclipse was invoked in the context of the Indian Penal Code in the landmark cases of Rathinam and Gian Kaur. In Rathinam v. Union of India, Section 309 of the IPC which criminalizes attempts to commit suicide was challenged and declared unconstitutional. The Court held that Article 21 of the Constitution, which guarantees the right to life, also binds the right to die. However, this interpretation was later overturned by a Constitution Bench in Gian Kaur v. State of Punjab, which upheld the validity of Section 309. Consequently, the Doctrine of Eclipse ceased to apply to Section 309, thereby restoring its enforceability.

Cases Related to the Doctrine of Eclipse

The table below discusses some major Cases Related to the Doctrine of Eclipse:

Cases Related to the Doctrine of Eclipse
Case Name	Summary	Legal Relevance
Keshava Madhava Menon v. State of Bombay (1951)	This was the first case demonstrating the Doctrine of Eclipse. The petitioner faced charges under the Indian Press (Emergency Powers) Act, 1931, for a pamphlet issued in 1949. He claimed protection under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution.	Held that pre-Constitution laws inconsistent with fundamental rights are not null but become dormant and can be revived if the inconsistency is removed.
Behram Khurshid Pesikaka v. State of Bombay (1955)	The appellant challenged Section 66(b) of the Bombay Prohibition Act, invoking precedent from F.N. Balsara's case to argue it violated Article 19 regarding alcoholic medicinal preparations.	Confirmed partial invalidity of laws inconsistent with fundamental rights and emphasized selective application.
Bhikaji Narain Dhakras v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1955)	Challenged a 1947 amendment granting a monopoly over motor transport to the state, arguing it violated Article 19(1)(g) of the Indian Constitution.	Established that such pre-Constitution laws are eclipsed and can revive upon constitutional amendment, affirming the Doctrine of Eclipse.

Doctrine of Eclipse FAQs

Q1: What is the Doctrine of Eclipse?

Ans: The Doctrine of Eclipse states that a law inconsistent with fundamental rights becomes dormant, not dead, and revives when the conflict is removed.

Q2: Which article of the Constitution relates to the Doctrine of Eclipse?

Ans: It is associated with Article 13, which deals with laws inconsistent with fundamental rights being void to the extent of the inconsistency.

Q3: Does the Doctrine of Eclipse apply to pre-constitutional laws?

Ans: Yes, it applies to pre-constitutional laws that violate fundamental rights, rendering them inactive until amended or revived.

Q4: Can post-constitutional laws be revived under this doctrine?

Ans: No, post-constitutional laws violating fundamental rights are void from inception and cannot be revived using this doctrine.

Q5: Which case established the Doctrine of Eclipse?

Ans: The doctrine was established in the case of Bhikaji Narain Dhakras v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1955).

Battle of Chengam, Cause, Winners, Other Details

August 5, 2025

The Battle of Chengum was fought on 3rd September 1767 and is remembered as an important event of History of India. The battle took place between forces of Hyder Ali of Mysore and the Nizam of Hyderabad vs. the British East India Company at Chengum ( Tiruvannamalai district of Tamil Nadu). The British East India Company won the battle. In this article, we are going to cover all about the Battle of Chengum.

Battle of Chengum

The battle of Chengum is remembered as an important event due to the following reasons:

The battle of Chengum is also remembered as the Battle of Changama. This war was a part of the first Anglo-Mysore War.
Colonel Joseph Smith, an English Army Officer discovered in May 1767, that Hyder Ali and Nizam of Hyderabad, Asaf Jah II were forming an alliance. Under this alliance, Hyder Ali agreed to pay Rs.18 lakhs to the Nizam, who would bribe the Marathas to halt the southern incursions. In return, the Nizam would acknowledge Tipu Sultan, Hyder Ali’s son as the Nawab of Carnatic after its conquest.
However, after the agreement there were differences between Mysore and Hyderabad.
On August 25, 1767, British forces stationed at Kaveripattinam were attacked by the combined Mysore-Hyderabad troops, who took over the town by August 28. As Colonel Smith’s forces advanced towards Tiruvannamalai, they were ambushed on September 3, 1767, during the Battle of Chengam.
Despite being heavily outnumbered (Indian forces ~70,000 vs. British ~7,000), the Indian side suffered a major setback, losing nearly 2,000 men compared to 170 British casualties.
The British regrouped and on September 26, 1767, defeated Hyder Ali again in the Battle of Tiruvannamalai. Continued failures, along with the Nizam’s secret communications with the British, eventually led to the breakdown of the Mysore-Hyderabad alliance.
In 1768, the Nizam formally allied with the British through a treaty. The First Anglo-Mysore War ultimately ended with the Treaty of Madras.

Also Check
Battle of Haldighati	Battle of Bhima Koregaon
Battle of Kannauj	Battle of Pollilur

Battle of Chengam FAQs

Q1: Who won the 1st Anglo-Mysore War?

Ans: Hyder Ali of Mysore emerged victorious in the First Anglo-Mysore War.

Q2: What is the Battle of Bedara also known as?

Ans: The Battle of Bedara is also known as the Battle of Biderra.

Q3: Who won the Battle of Porto Novo?

Ans: The British East India Company, led by Sir Eyre Coote, won the Battle of Porto Novo.

Q4: Why was the Battle of Chengam fought?

Ans: The Battle of Chengam was fought during the First Anglo-Mysore War as Hyder Ali and the Nizam attempted to stop British advances in the Carnatic region.

Q5: Who fought the Battle of Chengam?

Ans: The Battle of Chengam was fought between the combined forces of Hyder Ali and the Nizam of Hyderabad against the British East India Company.

Rajya Sabha, Members Count, Qualifications, Election Process, Duration

August 5, 2025

The Rajya Sabha is an important part of India’s bicameral parliamentary system that represents the states and the Union Territories and has an extremely important role in the legislative process. The Rajya Sabha provides an important platform for regional interests and maintains a federal balance. In this article, we are going to cover all about the Rajya Sabha, its composition, structure of work, election process and special scenarios.

Rajya Sabha

The Rajya Sabha is also known as the Upper House of India’s Parliament. Rajya Sabha means “Council of States”. The house represents the issues and interests about states and union territories of the Union of India.

The house plays an important role of acting as a deliberative body that provides the states with a voice and platform to raise their concerns and make sure that the interests and concerns of all states are heard in the parliamentary proceedings.

Rajya Sabha Composition

According to the Constitution of India, the Rajya Sabha consists of 250 members. These members are:

238 members are representatives of the States and Union Territories
12 are nominated by the President of India.

Currently, the Rajya Sabha has 245 members, which include:

225 members of representatives of state
8 members of representatives of Union Territories
12 nominated members by the President of India

Also Read: Difference between Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha

Representation of States in the Rajya Sabha

Members representing states in the Rajya Sabha are elected by the elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies.
The election follows the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.
The allocation of seats to each state in the Rajya Sabha is based on its population, so the number of representatives differs from state to state.
Note: The Fourth Schedule of the Indian Constitution specifies the distribution of seats in the Rajya Sabha among states and Union Territories.

Representation of Union Territories in the Rajya Sabha

Union Territories are represented in the Rajya Sabha through an electoral college formed specifically for this purpose.
These members are also elected using proportional representation through the single transferable vote system.
Note: Only Delhi, Puducherry, and Jammu & Kashmir currently have representation in the Rajya Sabha; the other five Union Territories have too small a population to qualify for representation.

Nominated Members in the Rajya Sabha

The President of India nominates 12 members to the Rajya Sabha, chosen from among individuals with special knowledge or practical experience in the fields of art, literature, science, or social service.
This system allows distinguished personalities to contribute to Parliament without going through elections.
Note: The US Senate does not have any provision for nominated members.

Duration of Rajya Sabha

Unlike the Lok Sabha, which has a fixed term of five years, the Rajya Sabha is a continuing Chamber that does not get dissolved at any specific period of time.

According to the Representation of the People Act (1951), the parliament enacted the following laws for the Rajya Sabha:

The term of office of a member of Rajya Sabha should be six years
The President of India has the power to create provisions to govern the order of retirement of the members of the Rajya Sabha. The President of India also enacted the Rajya Sabha Order, 1952.
Every second year one-third members of the Rajya Sabha retire. Their existing seat is filled by fresh elections and Presidential nominations at the starting of every third year.
The retiring members of the Rajya Sabha are eligible for re-election and renomination multiple times.

Rajya Sabha System of Elections

The elections of Rajya Sabha are conducted by the indirect method through the method of system of proportional representation by the method of single transferable vote.

Indirect Elections to the Rajya Sabha

Unlike the Lok Sabha, whose members are directly elected by the people, members of the Rajya Sabha are elected indirectly.
From States: Elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies elect the Rajya Sabha members.
From Union Territories: Members are chosen by an Electoral College formed specifically for this purpose.

System of Proportional Representation

Rajya Sabha elections are based on the proportional representation system, where the number of seats a party wins is in proportion to the number of votes it secures.
This system ensures that minority and diverse viewpoints are fairly represented in the House.

Single Transferable Vote (STV) Method

Elections to the Rajya Sabha use the Single Transferable Vote (STV) method.
In this system, voters (MLAs or Electoral College members) rank candidates in order of preference.
To be elected, a candidate must achieve a quota of votes, calculated as:
Quota = [Total Votes / (Total Seats + 1)] + 1
If no one meets the quota initially, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated, and their votes are transferred to the next preferences.
This process continues until all seats are filled.

Also Read: Functions of Parliament

Rajya Sabha Qualification of Members

The Constitution of India and the Representation of People’s Act 1951, provides many qualifications for the Members of the Rajya Sabha. These qualifications are constitutional and statutory in nature. The qualifications include:

The Indian Constitution provides for various qualifications for the Members of the Rajya Sabha. Apart from them, the Parliament has also prescribed some qualifications for members of the Rajya Sabha under the Representation of People’s Act of 1951. These constitutional as well as statutory qualifications have been discussed as follows.

Constitutional Qualifications for Rajya Sabha Membership

As per the Indian Constitution, a person must meet the following criteria to become a Rajya Sabha member:

Must be a citizen of India.
Must take an oath or affirmation before an authority appointed by the Election Commission of India (ECI).
Must be at least 30 years of age.
Must fulfill any additional qualifications prescribed by Parliament.

Statutory Qualifications (as per Representation of the People Act, 1951)

In addition to constitutional provisions, the following statutory requirements apply:

Must be registered as an elector for a parliamentary constituency anywhere in India (not necessarily in the state of contest).
For reserved seats, the candidate must belong to a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe of any State or Union Territory.
SC/ST candidates are also eligible to contest from general (non-reserved) seats.

Rajya Sabha Disqualifications of Members

The Constitution of India and the Representation of the People’s Act 1951 provides many factors of disqualifications for the Members of the Rajya Sabha. These disqualifications are both constitutional and statutory in nature. These disqualifications include:

The Indian Constitution provides for various disqualifications for the Members of the Rajya Sabha. Apart from them, the Indian Parliament has also prescribed some disqualifications for members of the Rajya Sabha under the Representation of People’s Act of 1951. These constitutional as well as statutory disqualifications have been discussed as follows:

Constitutional Disqualifications for Rajya Sabha Membership

According to the Indian Constitution, a person is disqualified from being elected or continuing as a Member of the Rajya Sabha if:

Holds an office of profit under the Union or State Government (except for the post of a Minister or any office exempted by Parliament).
Is declared to be of unsound mind by a competent court.
Is an undischarged insolvent.
Is not a citizen of India, has voluntarily acquired foreign citizenship, or owes allegiance to a foreign state.
Is disqualified under any law made by Parliament.

Statutory Disqualifications under the Representation of the People Act, 1951

In addition to constitutional provisions, the following disqualifications are outlined by Parliament:

Convicted of electoral offences or corrupt practices.
Sentenced to imprisonment for two years or more (Note: Preventive detention does not count as disqualification).
Failure to submit election expense accounts within the stipulated time.
Financial interests in government contracts, works, or services.
Holding the post of a Director, Managing Agent, or Office of Profit in a company where the government holds 25% or more share.
Dismissed from government service for corruption or disloyalty.
Convicted for promoting enmity between groups or for bribery.
Punished for practising social evils like untouchability, dowry, or sati.

Disqualifications on Grounds of Defection

The constitution of India provides guidelines for disqualification of Rajya Sabha Members on the grounds of defection as per the provisions laid down by the tenth Schedule.
A member incurs disqualification under the Anti-Defection law:
- if he/she voluntarily gives up the membership of the political party on whose ticket he/she is elected to the House,
- if he/she votes or abstains from voting in the House contrary to any direction given by his/her political party,
- if any independently elected member joins any political party,
- if any nominated member joins any political party after the expiry of six months.

Rajya Sabha Oath or Affirmation of Members

Every Member of Rajya Sabha has to subscribe to an Oath or Affirmation in front of the President or a person appointed by him/her for the same purpose.

In his/her Oath or Affirmation, a Member of Rajya Sabha swears:
- to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India,
- to uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India,
- to faithfully discharge the duty upon which he/she is about to enter.

Rajya Sabha members cannot vote or participate in the proceedings of the house. Members are not eligible for parliamentary privilege and immunity unless taking the oath.

A person is liable to a penalty of Rs. 500 for each day he/she sits or votes as a Member in a House in the following conditions:
- Before taking and subscribing to the prescribed Oath or Affirmation,
- When he/she knows that he/she is not qualified or that he/she is disqualified for membership in Rajya Sabha,
- When he/she knows that he/she is prohibited from sitting or voting in the House by virtue of any parliamentary law.

Rajya Sabha Salaries and Allowances of Members

The Members of the Rajya Sabha are entitled to receive such salaries and allowances as determined by the Parliament of India.
However, there is no provision of pension for the Members of Rajya Sabha in the Indian Constitution.
- However, in 1976, the Indian Parliament provided the provision of pension to the Members of the Rajya Sabha.
Moreover, the Members of Rajya Sabha are also provided with travelling facilities, free accommodation, telephone, vehicle advance, medical facilities and so on.

Vacating of Seats of Members of Rajya Sabha

A Member of the Rajya Sabha vacates his/her seat in the following cases:

Double Membership,
Disqualification,
Resignation,
Absence, and
Other Cases

Rajya Sabha FAQs

Q1: What is Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha?

Ans: Rajya Sabha is the Upper House and Lok Sabha is the Lower House of the Indian Parliament.

Q2: Who comes under Rajya Sabha?

Ans: Members elected by State and Union Territory legislatures and 12 nominated members by the President form the Rajya Sabha.

Q3: How many members are there in Rajya Sabha – 245 or 250?

Ans: The maximum strength of Rajya Sabha is 250, but the current strength is 245.

Q4: What are the privileges of Rajya Sabha Members?

Ans: They enjoy parliamentary privileges like freedom of speech in the House, exemption from civil arrest during sessions, and immunity for actions in their legislative capacity.

Q5: What is the term of a Rajya Sabha member?

Ans: A Rajya Sabha member serves a term of six years, with one-third of members retiring every two years.

Self Help Groups, Meaning, Objectives, Role, Important Features

August 5, 2025

Self - Help Groups are small organisations that are community based where members pool their resources together for mutual economic support with a focus on savings and credit activities. The group plays an important role in marginalising communities, providing financial assistance and promoting sustainable livelihoods. In this article, we are going to cover all about Self Help Groups, their meaning, role and contribution in socio-economic development.

Self- Help Groups (SHGs)

Self-Help Groups are groups of people who come together to pool their resources and work for a mutual economic benefit.
Self-help Groups have managed to treat a transformative movement in India as well as other developing countries. These groups work on the principles of mutual aid, self-reliance and collective empowerment.
The groups focus on mobilizing people, take charge of their economic, social and personal growth.

Self- Help Group Meaning

A Self-Help Group (SHG) is a small, informal group of individuals from similar socio-economic backgrounds who voluntarily unite to pursue shared goals.
They contribute regular savings, pool their resources, and utilize the collective fund to address personal needs or initiate income-generating ventures.

Self-Help Groups (SHGs) Objectives

Self- Help Groups have the following Objectives:

Access to credit and promotion of entrepreneurship
Build confidence among marginalised groups, with a special focus on women to foster a sense of community.
Connect unbanked populations with proper official financial institutions.
Improve skills, awareness and decision-making capabilities.
Improve the standard of living of poor households through sustainable livelihoods.

Self-Help Groups (SHGs) Important Features

Following are the features of Self-Help Groups-

Group Size: SHGs usually consist of 10–20 members, a manageable number that supports effective communication, coordination, and a strong sense of responsibility among members.
Homogeneity: Members typically come from similar socio-economic backgrounds, fostering trust, mutual understanding, and collaboration in addressing shared challenges.
Savings and Credit: Members regularly save to build a common fund, which is used to provide low-interest loans for personal or income-generating needs, promoting financial self-reliance and internal resource circulation.
Collective Decision-Making: SHGs follow a democratic approach where decisions are made collectively, ensuring equal participation and shared ownership of group initiatives.
Training and Capacity Building: Members undergo training in financial literacy, entrepreneurship, and skill development, empowering them to manage finances and run small businesses effectively.
Bank Linkages: Through initiatives like NABARD’s SHG-Bank Linkage Programme, SHGs connect with formal banks, gaining access to credit and enhancing the group’s financial stability and community impact.

Role of SHGs in Socio-Economic Development

Women Empowerment: SHGs empower women by promoting financial independence, boosting confidence, and involving them in decision-making, which enhances leadership skills and rights awareness.
Poverty Alleviation: By providing access to microcredit for income-generating activities, SHGs help uplift families from poverty.
Financial Inclusion: SHGs bring marginalized populations into the formal banking system by facilitating savings and credit access.
Skill Development & Employment: Members receive training in trades like tailoring, handicrafts, and farming, enabling self-employment and job creation.
Social Cohesion: SHGs strengthen community bonds and collectively tackle social issues such as domestic violence, child marriage, and illiteracy.
Disaster Management: SHGs enhance community resilience by mobilizing resources and support during emergencies like natural disasters or pandemics.

Self Help Groups FAQs

Q1: What are the 5 principles of SHG?

Ans: Mutual trust, active participation, group decision-making, peer pressure, and collective responsibility.

Q2: What is a self-help support group?

Ans: It is a small, voluntary group of people with shared interests or problems who support each other emotionally and practically.

Q3: What is the function of SHG?

Ans: To promote savings, provide credit, support income-generating activities, and empower members socially and economically.

Q4: How to register a self-help group?

Ans: An SHG can be registered under the Societies Registration Act, Trust Act, or as a cooperative society, through the local authorities or NGOs.

Q5: What are the objectives of a SHG?

Ans: To foster financial inclusion, self-reliance, skill development, and collective problem-solving among marginalized groups.

Ahmad Shah Abdali, Early Life, Durrani Empire, Indian Invasion

August 5, 2025

Ahmad Shah Abdali has the other name Ahmad Shah Durrani who was the founder of Durrani Empire and elected as the successor of Nadir Shah after his death in 1747. Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded India 8 times during the tenure of 1748 and 1767. His campaigns were primarily driven by the aim of having quick wealth, rather than long-term control, he focused on raids and looting key cities.

Ahmad Shah Abdali Early Life

Ahmad Shah Abdali was born in 1722 in Multan, then part of the Mughal Empire (now in Pakistan). His father, Mohammad Zaman Khan, was the governor of Herat and head of the Abdali clan.
Abdali's paternal line came from the Sadozai tribe, while his mother belonged to the Alakozai tribe.
In 1729, Abdali soldiers led by Zulfiqar surrendered to Nader Shah Afshar, Persia’s rising power.
Soon after, they rebelled and briefly took control of Herat and Mashhad.
In 1730, Ahmad Shah defeated Ibrahim Khan, Nader Shah’s brother and a military commander.
Nader Shah began integrating Abdali fighters into his forces around 1729.
After the capture of Kandahar in 1738, Ahmad Shah and Zulfiqar were freed and given high positions.
Ahmad Shah served closely as a personal attendant (yaswal) to Nader Shah, later commanding the 4,000-strong Abdali Regiment.
The Abdali Regiment played an active role in Nader Shah’s 1738 invasion of the Mughal Empire.

Also Read: Nadir Shah

Durrani Empire

The Durrani Empire (also called the Sadozai Kingdom or Afghan Empire) was founded by Ahmad Shah Abdali in the 18th century.
It spanned regions of Central, South, and West Asia, including present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan, northeastern and southeastern Iran, eastern Turkmenistan, and parts of northern India.
At its peak, it was the most powerful Muslim empire after the Ottoman Empire during the late 1700s.
Ahmad Shah unified various Pashtun tribes with the support of Baloch allies to establish the empire.
The Durranis were from the Popalzai branch of the Pashtun Durrani (formerly Abdali) tribe, making them the second Pashtun rulers of Kandahar after the Hotaks.
Kashmir and parts of Punjab also came under Durrani control during Ahmad Shah’s reign.
The Barakzai dynasty succeeded the Durranis in the early 19th century.
Ahmad Shah Durrani’s leadership was key to the empire’s rise and influence in the region.

Ahmed Shah Abdali Indian Invasion

Ahmad Shah Durrani invaded India eight times between 1748 and 1767.
After Nadir Shah’s death, he became ruler of Afghanistan and began raiding neighboring regions for wealth.
He ambushed civilians during the Chota Ghalughara and Vada Ghalughara, but eventually retreated after encountering Sikh resistance near the Chenab.
After his retreat, the Sikhs rose in revolt and captured towns across Punjab. His repeated invasions destroyed the Mughal Empire and weakened the Marathas, especially with his victory at Panipat in 1761, which left a major power vacuum in North India.
Ahmed Shah Abdali Indian Invasion reflected his relentless ambition and strategic intent. Afghanistan’s poverty and lack of resources pushed Abdali to target India’s wealth.
He also aimed to assert political dominance over the Indian subcontinent.
In 1757, he captured Delhi, installed a caretaker, and recognized Alamgir II as emperor.
He appointed Najib-ud-Daula as Mir Bakhshi, his key agent in the Mughal court.
In 1758, Maratha leader Raghunath Rao captured Punjab and expelled Najib-ud-Daula.
Abdali returned in 1759 to retaliate and defeat the Marathas in the Third Battle of Panipat (1761).
His final invasion took place in 1767, after which he stopped interfering directly in Indian affairs.

Third Battle of Panipat

The Durrani Kingdom, also called the Sadozai Kingdom or the Afghan Empire, was a powerful empire that spanned parts of Central, South, and the Middle East Asia.
It was founded by Ahmad Shah Abdali, who is credited with uniting the various Pashtun tribes under one rule.
At its peak, the empire covered present-day Afghanistan and Pakistan, along with parts of northeastern and southeastern Iran, eastern Turkmenistan, and northern India, including the Kashmir region.
It was considered the most powerful Muslim empire of the late 18th century, after the Ottoman Empire.
Ahmad Shah established the empire with support from his Baloch allies and ruled as the head of the Durrani Popalzai clan, which had earlier been known as the Abdalis.
His family became the second line of Pashtun rulers of Kandahar, following the Hotak dynasty.
After Ahmad Shah’s death, his descendants continued to rule until the early 19th century, when the Barakzai dynasty took over.
Durrani's rise was largely due to Ahmad Shah’s military skill and leadership, which earned him a lasting legacy in the region’s history.

Ahmad Shah Abdali FAQs

Q1: Who was Ahmad Shah Abdali?

Ans: Ahmad Shah Abdali, also known as Ahmad Shah Durrani, was the founder of the Durrani Empire and an Afghan ruler who invaded India multiple times.

Q2: When did Ahmad Shah Abdali invade India?

Ans: He invaded India several times between 1747 and 1769, with his most famous campaign being the Third Battle of Panipat in 1761.

Q3: What was the Third Battle of Panipat?

Ans: Fought in 1761, it was a major battle between Ahmad Shah Abdali’s forces and the Marathas, resulting in a decisive victory for Abdali.

Q4: Why did Ahmad Shah Abdali invade India?

Ans: He sought to expand his empire, secure Afghan interests, and plunder India's wealth, especially after Nadir Shah’s successful 1739 invasion.

Q5: What impact did Abdali’s invasions have on India?

Ans: His repeated invasions weakened Indian powers, especially the Marathas, disrupted trade and governance, and hastened political instability in northern India.

UPSC Daily Quiz 5 August 2025

August 5, 2025

The Daily UPSC Quiz by Vajiram & Ravi is a thoughtfully curated initiative designed to support UPSC aspirants in strengthening their current affairs knowledge and core conceptual understanding. Aligned with the UPSC Syllabus 2025, this daily quiz serves as a revision resource, helping candidates assess their preparation, revise key topics, and stay updated with relevant issues. Whether you are preparing for Prelims or sharpening your revision for Mains, consistent practice with these Daily UPSC Quiz can significantly enhance accuracy, speed, and confidence in solving exam-level questions.

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UPSC Daily Quiz FAQs

Q1: What is the Daily UPSC Quiz?

Ans: The Daily UPSC Quiz is a set of practice questions based on current affairs, static subjects, and PYQs that help aspirants enhance retention and test conceptual clarity regularly.

Q2: How is the Daily Quiz useful for UPSC preparation?

Ans: Daily quizzes support learning, help in revision, improve time management, and boost accuracy for both UPSC Prelims and Mains through consistent practice.

Q3: Are the quiz questions based on the UPSC syllabus?

Ans: Yes, all questions are aligned with the UPSC Syllabus 2025, covering key areas like Polity, Economy, Environment, History, Geography, and Current Affairs.

Q4: Are solutions and explanations provided with the quiz?

Ans: Yes, each quiz includes detailed explanations and source references to enhance conceptual understanding and enable self-assessment.

Q5: Is the Daily UPSC Quiz suitable for both Prelims and Mains?

Ans: Primarily focused on Prelims (MCQ format), but it also indirectly helps in Mains by strengthening subject knowledge and factual clarity.

Nadir Shah, Early Life, Afsharid Dynasty, Invasion of India, Massacre

August 5, 2025

The Afsharid Dynasty of Iran was established in 1736 by one of the powerful monarchs, Nader Shah Afshar. During the Battle of Karnal in 1739, he defeated Mughals then attacked Delhi later. This invasion exposed the decline of the Mughal Empire. Nader Shah seized the imperial treasury, including the famous Koh-i-Noor diamond and the jewel studded Peacock Throne of Shah Jahan.

Nadir Shah Early Life

Nader Shah Afshar ruled Iran from 1736 to 1747 and founded the Afsharid dynasty.
He is considered one of the most powerful rulers in Iranian history.
In 1739, he defeated the Mughal army at the Battle of Karnal.
Following the victory, he invaded Delhi and launched a violent assault in March 1739.
The invasion highlighted the Mughal Empire’s weakening control and internal instability.
Nader Shah looted immense wealth from Delhi, including the Peacock Throne and the Koh-i-Noor diamond.

Afsharid Dynasty

The Afsharid Dynasty ruled Iran in the mid-18th century.
It was founded by Nadir Shah in 1736, who came from the Turkoman Afshar clan in Khorasan.
Nadir Shah overthrew the last Safavid ruler and declared himself the Shah of Iran.
Under Nadir Shah, Iran reached its largest territorial extent since the Sasanian Empire.
The empire covered modern-day Iran, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, parts of the North Caucasus (Dagestan), Afghanistan, Bahrain, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Turkey, UAE, and Oman.
After the death of the Afsharid Dynasty, the power of his empire was divided among the Zands, Durranis, Georgians, and Caucasian khanates.
The Afsharids were left ruling only a small area in Khorasan.
The dynasty came to an end in 1796 when Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar established the Qajar dynasty, reclaiming several former provinces.

Invasion of India by Nader Shah

Nadir Shah ruled Persia from 1736 to 1747 and founded the Afsharid dynasty.
In 1739, he invaded Delhi after defeating the Mughals at the Battle of Karnal.
The Mughal Empire was already weakened post-Aurangzeb due to succession struggles and ministerial corruption.
Nadir Shah started to rise from his origin and saw the decline of the Mughal Empire which he converted into an opportunity to invade India.
His invasion of India in 1738 was supposedly triggered by an insult to a Persian ambassador at the Mughal court.
He first captured Ghazni, Kabul, and Lahore, crossing into India through the Khyber Pass.
The Governor of Punjab warned of the threat, but Emperor Muhammad Shah ignored the alert.
As Nadir advanced, Mughal generals Khan Dauran and Nizam-ul-Mulk were sent to confront him.
They were defeated, and Muhammad Shah himself had to lead the army.
The Mughal army was decisively crushed at Karnal.
Saadat Khan was captured, Khan Dauran severely wounded, and Mughal morale collapsed.
Nizam-ul-Mulk tried negotiating with Nadir Shah, offering 20 million rupees for his withdrawal.
Impressed by Nizam, Muhammad Shah appointed him Prime Minister and gave him the title Amir-Ul-Umra.
However, Saadat Khan secretly encouraged Nadir to take more, claiming Delhi’s wealth far exceeded the offer.
Tempted by Delhi’s wealth, Nadir Shah captured the Mughal capital, leading to one of the most brutal battles in history.

Nadir Shah Massacre

After his entry into Delhi, Nadir Shah was received by a defeated Mughal Emperor.
The keys to the Red Fort and its treasures had already been surrendered. But then, a rumor spread that Nadir Shah had been killed. Chaos followed.
Riots broke out, and several Persian soldiers were attacked and murdered in the streets.
Nadir Shah stormed back into the city and found his men dead across various neighborhoods.
At the Sunhari Masjid, someone hurled a stone at him, and a gunshot killed one of his troops.
Enraged, he ordered a brutal massacre wherever Persian bodies had been found.
On March 11, 1739, Delhi witnessed one of the bloodiest days in its history, an estimated 20,000 to 200,000 people were killed, depending on the account.

Consequences of the Invasion

Nadir Shah’s army robbed, plundered, and devastated Delhi completely. He took the Peacock Throne built by Shah Jahan and the legendary Koh-i-Noor diamond.
He also looted 10 million rupees in gold, 600 million in jewellery, and 6 million in cash. His total loot was estimated at 700 million rupees, including:
- 7000 artisans
- 200 carpenters
- 100 stone-cutters
- Thousands of elephants, horses, and camels
His invasion is remembered for its brutality and unprecedented cruelty towards Delhi’s residents. The Mughal Empire was left shattered and too weak to resist further threats or recover.
Persian forces seized control of Mughal territories after the invasion.
Inspired by Nadir Shah, Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded India repeatedly between 1748 and 1767, targeting Delhi multiple times.

Peacock Throne

Peacock Throne was a throne which served the king who ruled from the Mughal Empire in India.
During the invasion, the throne was given to the Emperor Shah Jahan in the 17th century in Diwan-i-Khas (Hall of Private Audiences, or Ministers' Room) of Delhi's Red Fort.
It was called the Peacock Throne as two peacocks are visible on the back dancing of the throne, and also had an emerald which depicts the achievements of Shah Jahan.
It was designed with 116 emerald, 108 rubies and other diamonds, sapphires, and pearls approximately.
A set of silver stairs led up to a platform measuring 6 feet by 4 feet. This platform stood approximately 25 inches above the ground, supported by four feet encased in gold.
In 1747, Nadir Shah was assassinated by his own bodyguards. Following his death, Persia descended into chaos. Thieves entered the royal palace and destroyed the legendary Peacock Throne.

Nadir Shah FAQs

Q1: Who was Nadir Shah?

Ans: Nadir Shah was a Persian ruler and military leader who invaded India in 1739, defeating the Mughal emperor and looting immense wealth from Delhi.

Q2: When did Nadir Shah invade India?

Ans: He invaded India in 1739 and defeated the Mughal forces at the Battle of Karnal before entering and plundering Delhi.

Q3: What was the Battle of Karnal?

Ans: The Battle of Karnal occurred in 1739, where Nadir Shah's Persian forces decisively defeated the Mughal army led by Emperor Muhammad Shah.

Q4: Why did Nadir Shah invade India?

Ans: He invaded India to access the immense wealth of the Mughal Empire and due to disputes over Afghan refugees and Mughal support to rebels.

Q5: What was looted by Nadir Shah from India?

Ans: He took enormous treasures, including the famous Peacock Throne and the Kohinoor diamond, which greatly enriched the Persian treasury.

National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (NHIDCL)

August 5, 2025

National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited Latest News

The traffic from Sikkim and Kalimpong to Siliguri and vice versa on NH10 remained suspended because of repairs by the National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited on a 30 km-long stretch following a landslide and cave-ins.

About National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited

It is a Central Public Sector Undertaking (CPSU) under the Ministry of Road Transport & Highways, Government of India.
The company was incorporated on the 18th of July, 2014, under the Companies Act, 2013.
It is a wholly owned Government entity.
It is dedicated exclusively to the task of constructing/upgrading/widening National Highways in parts of the country which shares international boundaries with neighbouring countries in order to promote regional connectivity on a substantial basis.
NHIDCL’s domain extends across the Union Territories of Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh, and Andaman & Nicobar Islands; the state of Uttarakhand; and the entire Northeastern Region (NER).
Its ambit includes tunnels, logistics hubs, interstate and international road linkages, and advanced mobility facilities - all serving as the arteries of India’s economic and geopolitical aspirations.
As the executing arm of the Government of India’s vision to realize the “Act East Policy,” NHIDCL plays a pivotal role as the nodal agency in the Northeastern region.

Source: TELEG

National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited FAQs

Q1: Under which Ministry does the National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (NHIDCL) operate?

Ans: Ministry of Road Transport & Highways.

Q2: When was National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (NHIDCL) incorporated?

Ans: It was incorporated on the 18th of July, 2014, under the Companies Act, 2013.

Q3: What is the main purpose of National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (NHIDCL)?

Ans: Constructing and upgrading National Highways near international borders.

Sahel Region

August 5, 2025

Sahel Region Latest News

Russia has tightened its grip over the Sahel region in West Africa, signing a key nuclear agreement with Niger recently.

About Sahel Region

It is a semiarid region of western and north-central Africa.
A 5,000 kilometre belt of land, the Sahel stretches from Africa’s Atlantic Coast to the Red Sea.
It forms a transitional zone between the arid Sahara (desert) to the north and the belt of humid savannas to the south.
It runs through portions of the countries of Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Sudan, and Eritrea.
Vegetation:
- The Sahel is a semiarid steppe, a type of dry grassland.
- The vegetation is chiefly of the savanna type, with little continuous cover.
- It has low-growing grass, thorny shrubs, and scattered acacia and baobab trees.
 Since gaining independence in the 1960s, many countries in the Sahel have experienced violent extremism due to the confluence of weak and illegitimate governance, economic decline, and the worsening effects of climate change. 
The Sahel remains a principal transit point for migrants traveling from sub-Saharan Africa to northern coastal states and on to Europe.

Source: TOI

Sahel Region FAQs

Q1: What is the Sahel region best described as?

Ans: It is a semiarid region of western and north-central Africa.

Q2: What type of vegetation is commonly found in the Sahel?

Ans: The vegetation is chiefly of the savanna type, with little continuous cover.

Q3: What lies directly to the north of the Sahel region?

Ans: Sahara Desert

Q4: Approximately how long is the Sahel region?

Ans: 5,000 km

RS-28 Sarmat

August 5, 2025

RS-28 Sarmat Latest News

As tensions escalate between the United States and Russia, the spotlight is back on one of the deadliest weapons in Russia’s nuclear arsenal, the RS-28 Sarmat intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), dubbed ‘Satan 2’ by NATO.

About RS-28 Sarmat

The RS-28 Sarmat is Russia’s new generation intercontinental ballistic missile.
It is named after the Sarmatian people of the fourth and fifth century BC.
It has also been referred to in the West as the “Satan II”.

RS-28 Sarmat Features

It is a three-stage, liquid-fueled missile with a range of 18,000 km and a launch weight of more than 208 tonnes.
It is the world's heaviest ICBM.
The missile is 35.3 meters long and 3 meters in diameter.
Maximum speed of 25,500 kph (about Mach 20).
It can carry a 10-ton payload and can load a wide variety of warhead options.
It can carry up to 16 independently targetable nuclear warheads as well as Avangard hypersonic glide vehicles.
Each warhead gets its guidance system, using inertial navigation, GLONASS (Russia’s GNSS), and Astro-inertial tech to stay on target.
While the RS-28 Sarmat can be launched much like a regular ICBM, it is thought to be also capable of what is called fractional orbital bombardment.
A fractional orbital bombardment means firing an ICBM into a low orbit of the Earth – much lower than a conventional firing – potentially in the opposite direction to the target.
The Sarmat reportedly could deliver warheads 2,000 times as powerful as the atom bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945.

Source: N18

RS-28 Sarmat FAQs

Q1: What is the RS-28 Sarmat missile also referred to as in the West?

Ans: Satan II

Q2: What is the maximum range of the RS-28 Sarmat missile?

Ans: 18,000 km

Q3: What is the launch weight of the RS-28 Sarmat?

Ans: It has a launch weight of more than 208 tonnes.

Q4: What type of fuel does the RS-28 Sarmat missile use?

Ans: It is a three-stage, liquid-fueled missile.

Mahabodhi Temple

August 5, 2025

Mahabodhi Temple Latest News

The Supreme Court recently agreed to review a petition seeking the repeal of the Bodh Gaya Temple Act of 1949, advocating for its replacement with a central law to better manage the Mahabodhi Temple in Bihar.

About Mahabodhi Temple

It is one of the four most sacred sites of Buddhism, marking the location where Buddha attained Enlightenment (Bodhi), along with:
- Lumbini (Buddha’s birthplace)
- Sarnath (Buddha’s first sermon)
- Kushinagar (Buddha’s parinirvana)
Location: Bodh Gaya, Bihar, on the banks of the Niranjana River.
The first temple at the site was constructed by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka in the 3rd century BC.
The present temple was built in the 5th–6th century AD, in the Gupta period.
It is one of the earliest Buddhist temples built entirely in brick, still standing in India, from the late Gupta period.
The temple was heavily restored in the 19th century, by Myanmar (Burmese) Buddhists and then by the British archaeologist Sir Alexander Cunningham.
It was declared a World Heritage site by UNESCO in 2002.

Mahabodhi Temple Architecture

The temple structure is 180 feet (55 meters) in height. It is dominated by a pyramid-shaped central tower, called a shikhara.
This tower comprises several layers of niches, arch motifs, and fine engravings.
Four additional towers, each identical to the main tower but smaller in size, adorn the corners of the two-story structure.
A shrine inside the temple holds a yellow sandstone statue of the Buddha encased in glass.
Sacred Bodhi Tree: Believed to be a direct descendant of the original tree under which Buddha attained Enlightenment.
Vajrasana (Diamond Throne): A stone slab marking the exact spot where Buddha meditated and attained enlightenment.
Stone railings surround the temple as well as the Bo tree.
One of the most famous of Ashoka’s many pillars (on which he had engraved his proclamations and his understanding of religious doctrine) stands at the southeast corner of the temple.
The 4.8-hectare complex includes ancient shrines and modern Buddhist structures built by devotees.

Source: ET

Mahabodhi Temple FAQs

Q1: Where is the Mahabodhi Temple located?

Ans: Bodh Gaya, Bihar, on the banks of the Niranjana River.

Q2: Who built the first Mahabodhi Temple?

Ans: Mauryan emperor Ashoka in the 3rd century BC.

Q3: What is the significance of the Mahabodhi Temple in Buddhism?

Ans: It marks the site of Buddha's Enlightenment.

Q4: In which period was the present Mahabodhi Temple built?

Ans: The present temple was built in the 5th–6th century AD, in the Gupta period.

Q5: What is the Vajrasana in the Mahabodhi Temple complex?

Ans: The stone marking where Buddha attained enlightenment.

Asian Giant Tortoise

August 5, 2025

Asian Giant Tortoise Latest News

Recently, the Asian giant tortoise, the largest tortoise in mainland Asia, has been reintroduced into the Zeliang Community Reserve in Nagaland’s Peren district.

About Asian Giant Tortoise

The Asian Giant Tortoise (Manouria emys phayrei) is the largest tortoise in Asia.
It is considered to be one of the oldest tortoise lineages in the world. And these ancient tortoises share an interesting behavior with many crocodilians—to protect their eggs and maintain appropriate temperatures for incubation.
Appearance: As hatchlings, these tortoises appear a grayish brown, and become more charcoal colored as they mature into adulthood.
Habitat: The Asian Giant Tortoise can be found in the tropical and subtropical hill forests.
Distribution: They are found in Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia and other places.
Diet: Bamboo shoots, tubers and other juicy vegetation and some invertebrates and frogs.
Threats: Hunting for consumption, habitat loss, anthropogenic activities like construction and slash and burn.
Conservation Status
- IUCN: Critically Endangered
- CITES: Appendix II

Source: TH

Asian Giant Tortoise FAQ's

Q1: What is the largest tortoise in India?

Ans: Asian giant tortoises

Q2: What is the rarest tortoise in India?

Ans: Indian Star Tortoise

Q3: Which is the first turtle sanctuary in India?

Ans: The Turtle Wildlife Sanctuary (TWS) was established in Varanasi district in 1989 under the Ganga Action Plan.

Ayurveda Aahara

August 5, 2025

Ayurveda Aahara Latest News

Recently, the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI), in consultation with the Ministry of Ayush, has released a definitive list of Ayurvedic food preparations under the category of “Ayurveda Aahara.”

About Ayurveda Aahara

Ayurveda Aahara refers to food products developed in line with the holistic dietary principles of Ayurveda, one of the world's oldest systems of health and wellness.
These preparations emphasise balance, seasonal suitability, and using natural ingredients and herbs known for their therapeutic benefits.
This significant step brings India’s time-honoured food wisdom into the mainstream, following the introduction of the Food Safety and Standards (Ayurveda Aahara) Regulations in 2022.
These regulations recognise foods based on recipes, ingredients, and processes from authoritative Ayurvedic texts, and the new list brings unprecedented clarity and confidence to consumers and businesses alike.
The list, issued under Note (1) of Schedule B of the regulations, draws directly from classical Ayurvedic texts listed in Schedule A, ensuring the authenticity and traditional basis of these food formulations.
This initiative aims to assist Food Business Operators (FBOs) by providing a clear and credible reference for the manufacture of Ayurveda Aahara products.
This initiative marks a pivotal moment in enhancing regulatory clarity for industry stakeholders while promoting the widespread adoption of Ayurveda-based nutrition for better public health outcomes.

Source: PIB

Ayurveda Aahara FAQs

Q1: What is Ayurveda Ahara?

Ans: It is a food prepared in accordance with the recipes or ingredients or processes as per method described in the authoritative books of Ayurveda listed under 'Schedule A' of these regulations.

Q2: What is Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI)?

Ans: It is an autonomous body established under the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India.

India Electric Mobility Index

August 5, 2025

India Electric Mobility Index Latest News

Recently, NITI Aayog launched the India Electric Mobility Index (IEMI).

About India Electric Mobility Index

It is a first-of-its-kind tool developed to comprehensively track and benchmark the progress of States and Union Territories (UTs) in achieving their Electric Mobility goals.
The India Electric Mobility Index (IEMI) tracks, evaluates and scores all Indian States and UTs out of 100 across 16 indicators under three-core themes:
- Transport Electrification Progress to capture demand-side adoption,
- Charging Infrastructure Readiness to track allied charging infrastructure development and
- EV Research and Innovation Status: Covers supply-side ecosystem R&D efforts.

It enables evaluation across states and union territories, identifying key drivers of success as well as areas requiring targeted interventions. The Index aims to inform decision-making, foster healthy competition among states, and promote sharing of best practices.
The Index underscores the importance of state-level coordination, integrated planning, and cross-sectoral collaboration in achieving India’s electric mobility vision.
By identifying strengths and gaps, the Index aims to support states in aligning with national goals while addressing local needs.
It provides a transparent, comparative framework to assess progress across key themes such as electrification, infrastructure, and innovation.
It enables states to benchmark their efforts, identify gaps, and learn from each other’s successes.

Source: PIB

India Electric Mobility Index FAQs

Q1: What is the electric Mobility Index of India?

Ans: The India Electric Mobility Index (IEMI) provides a comprehensive assessment of India's states and Union Territories in their progress toward an electric mobility ecosystem.

Q2: What is the National electric Mobility Mission in India?

Ans: Government of India launched the National Electric Mobility Mission Plan (NEMMP) 2020 in 2013. It aims to achieve national fuel security by promoting hybrid and electric vehicles in the country

Q3: What is the full form of e mobility?

Ans: E-mobility, or electromobility, refers to the use of electrified vehicles for transportation purposes.

UN World Food Programme

August 5, 2025

UN World Food Programme Latest News

Recently, India launched a new collaborative initiative with the support of the UN World Food Programme to strengthen Rice Fortification and Supply Chain Management in Nepal.

About UN World Food Programme

It is a branch of the United Nations that deals with hunger eradication and promotes food security in the world.
It is the world’s largest humanitarian agency and was established in 1961.
The organization’s work is guided by Sustainable Development Goal 2, which aims to end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition, and promote sustainable agriculture by 2030.
It operates in more than 120 countries, provides food assistance during emergencies and works with communities to enhance nutrition and generate resilience.
Funding: WFP is funded by voluntary donations from governments, corporates and private donors.
It is a member of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
WEF was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2020.
Reports by WEF: Report released by the WFP is the Global Report on Food Crisis which describes the scale of acute hunger in the world.
Headquarters: Rome, Italy

Source: News on air

UN World Food Programme FAQs

Q1: Is India a member of WFP?

Ans: The World Food Programme (WFP) has been working in India since 1963.

Q2: Where is the headquarter of WFP located?

Ans: Rome, Italy

Daily Editorial Analysis 5 August 2025

August 5, 2025

The Missing Link in India’s Battery Waste Management

Context

India’s commitment to decarbonisation and its ambitious Net Zero goal by 2070 have accelerated the adoption of electric vehicles (EVs) and renewable energy technologies.
As a result, the demand for lithium batteries is projected to rise dramatically, from 4 gigawatt-hours (GWh) in 2023 to nearly 139 GWh by 2035.
While this electrification wave signals progress, it also presents a looming environmental and economic challenge: the sustainable disposal and recycling of lithium batteries.
Without a robust recycling framework, the nation risks undermining its green ambitions.

The Urgency of Battery Waste Management and The Challenge of EPR Floor Pricing

The Urgency of Battery Waste Management
- Lithium batteries are central not only to EVs but also to battery energy storage systems (BESS), which are crucial for stabilising renewable power supply.
- However, their improper disposal poses severe risks.
- Leakage of toxic substances into the soil and water, coupled with the sheer volume of battery waste, lithium batteries accounted for 700,000 of the 1.6 million metric tonnes of e-waste in 2022, demands immediate intervention.
- Recognising this, the Indian government introduced the Battery Waste Management Rules (BWMR) in 2022.
- These rules are built around the principle of Extended Producer Responsibility, which mandates producers to ensure that end-of-life batteries are collected and recycled responsibly.
The Challenge of EPR Floor Pricing
- At the heart of the recycling ecosystem is the EPR certificate, which producers must acquire to demonstrate compliance.
- These certificates are issued by recyclers, who in turn require a minimum floor price to cover their costs.
- Unfortunately, the current EPR floor price in India is too low to support sustainable operations.
- Advanced technologies, skilled labour, and safe logistics are essential for processing hazardous battery waste, all of which come at a high cost.
- Moreover, lithium-ion batteries contain valuable minerals like cobalt, lithium, and nickel.
- Efficient recovery of these resources could significantly reduce India’s reliance on imports.
- However, without adequate compensation, legitimate recyclers struggle to remain viable.

Corporate Non-Compliance and Global Double Standards

Adding to the complexity is the reluctance of large producers, particularly multinational corporations, to comply with recycling regulations in developing countries.
These companies often adopt dual environmental standards, adhering to strict norms in developed markets while sidestepping them in countries like India.
This undermines local regulatory frameworks and impedes the development of a resilient battery recycling ecosystem in the global south.
Interestingly, concerns that revising the EPR floor price will burden consumers appear unfounded.
Global metal prices have fallen, but producers have not passed these savings on to end users. This suggests that Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) can absorb higher recycling costs without increasing consumer prices.

Global Benchmarks

For perspective, the United Kingdom mandates producers to pay up to ₹600 per kilogram for EV battery recycling, four times what is currently under consideration in India, even after adjusting for purchasing power differences.
This disparity underscores the need for India to develop a globally competitive EPR pricing model.
A fair EPR floor price must reflect the true cost of recycling—from collection and transportation to safe material recovery, and should evolve into a market-driven mechanism once the ecosystem matures.
To ensure accountability, producers must be encouraged to audit recyclers This not only prevents fraud but also incentivises innovation in recycling technologies and logistics.

Policy Recommendations

Integrating the Informal Sector
- India’s recycling sector has long depended on informal workers who operate outside the regulatory net.
- While their practices often involve hazardous methods, their inclusion is essential to scale national recycling capacity.
- A pathway to formalisation, through training, regulation, and incentives, can harness their contributions while improving safety and efficiency.
- Formalising the informal sector is both a social and environmental imperative, creating green jobs while reducing ecological harm.
Strengthening Enforcement and Governance
- Ultimately, no policy can succeed without effective enforcement.
- India must invest in robust digital tracking systems for EPR certificates, enforce strict audit protocols, and impose significant penalties for non-compliance and fraud.
- These measures will ensure transparency and reduce the scope for malpractice.
- Immediate and constructive dialogue among policymakers, producers, and recyclers is critical to arrive at a balanced and effective EPR regime.

Conclusion

The rapid expansion of India’s EV and renewable energy sectors necessitates a robust battery recycling framework.
Revisiting the EPR floor price, enforcing compliance, and integrating the informal sector are vital steps in this direction.
Done right, battery waste can be transformed from a crisis into a catalyst for sustainable growth, advancing not just environmental goals but also economic self-reliance through resource recovery.

The Missing Link in India’s Battery Waste Management FAQs

Q1. Why is lithium battery recycling important for India?
Ans. Lithium battery recycling is important for India to prevent environmental pollution, recover valuable minerals, and reduce dependence on imports.

Q2. What is the main problem with India’s current EPR floor price?
Ans. The current EPR floor price is too low to cover the actual costs of safe and sustainable battery recycling.

Q3. How can informal recyclers be made part of the solution?
Ans. Informal recyclers can be trained and regulated to safely contribute to the formal recycling sector.

Q4. Will a higher EPR floor price increase costs for consumers?
Ans. No, a higher EPR floor price is unlikely to raise consumer costs, as manufacturers can absorb the additional expense.

Q5. What steps are needed to strengthen battery recycling in India?
Ans. India needs fair EPR pricing, stricter enforcement, digital tracking, and integration of informal recyclers to strengthen its battery recycling system.

Source: The Hindu

India’s Pandemic Toll Remains Elusive

Context

The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the vulnerabilities and systemic inefficiencies in health systems across the world.
In India, the official death toll of approximately 5.33 lakh has been widely challenged by researchers and international organizations alike.
Data from India’s Civil Registration System (CRS) and Medical Certification of Cause of Death (MCCD) have uncovered a staggering discrepancy between the officially reported numbers and the actual toll.
Therefore, it is important to delve into the excess mortality during the pandemic years in India, highlighting the limitations of current mortality surveillance mechanisms and advocating for urgent reforms.

Excess Mortality: A Stark Indicator

Excess mortality, defined as the number of deaths above the expected baseline under normal conditions, has emerged as a critical metric in understanding the true impact of the pandemic.
CRS data reveals that India recorded 76.4 lakh deaths in 2019, which surged to 81.11 lakh in 2020 and dramatically to 1.02 crore in 2021.
These increases implicitly acknowledge that the real death toll from COVID-19 far surpasses the official count.
The World Health Organisation estimates India's pandemic-related deaths at around 47 lakh, a figure India’s government initially rejected, citing methodological concerns, yet one that increasingly aligns with empirical trends in excess mortality.

Inadequacies in Medical Certification and Registration

While the CRS offers valuable insights, its utility is significantly constrained by incomplete death registration and a weak certification framework.
The MCCD data for 2021 highlights that only 23.4% of registered deaths were medically certified, severely limiting the ability to classify causes of death accurately.
Alarmingly, in 2020, 45% of deaths occurred without any medical attention, a marked rise from pre-pandemic levels.
This lack of formal documentation enables widespread misclassification or under-reporting of COVID-19-related deaths.
A field study conducted in Kerala revealed an uptick in daily cremations not limited to COVID-designated facilities, suggesting substantial underreporting and misclassification.
Within this cohort, just 22.8% of the deceased had medically documented causes of death, underscoring the systemic gaps in mortality data.

The Hidden Toll: Indirect Deaths and Systemic Disruption

Beyond direct fatalities, the pandemic has left behind a trail of indirect deaths, those not caused by the virus itself but by its cascading socio-economic and health-related consequences.
Factors such as healthcare avoidance due to fear of infection, lack of medical supplies, hospital bed shortages, and extended lockdowns contributed significantly to mortality.
Post-infection complications and chronic disease exacerbation also played a critical role.
In Kerala, researchers attributed 34% of observed deaths to these indirect factors and found that 9% of cases were potentially misclassified.
Given that Kerala has a comparatively robust health infrastructure, the implications for states with weaker systems, like Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, are even more concerning.
These findings point to a vast undercount in official data and underscore the urgent need for a nuanced, comprehensive understanding of pandemic-related deaths.

Structural Deficiencies in Mortality Surveillance

The pandemic exposed the structural deficiencies in India’s mortality surveillance system.
The failure to designate civil registration as an essential service during the 2020 lockdown led to significant lapses in death reporting.
According to the National Family Health Survey-5, nearly 29% of deaths between 2016 and 2020 were unregistered.
This undermines the credibility and completeness of datasets like the CRS and hampers the formulation of effective public health policies.
Furthermore, the lack of universal medical certification and regional disparities in data registration practices exacerbate the opacity surrounding COVID-19 mortality.
These systemic flaws weaken the country’s preparedness for future health crises and compromise accountability.

The Way Forward: Reform and Systematic Inquiry

The discrepancies between reported and actual deaths during the pandemic make a compelling case for reform.
Policymakers must commission a large-scale, independent inquiry into pandemic-related mortality.
This could include integrating questions about decedents in the upcoming Census, conducting retrospective mortality surveys, and enhancing the coverage and accuracy of medical certification.
More broadly, India needs to overhaul its mortality surveillance infrastructure by ensuring universal death registration, mandating timely and accurate medical certification, and strengthening public health data systems.
These reforms are essential not only for accurately gauging the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic but also for building resilience against future public health emergencies.

Conclusion

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed the profound inadequacies in India’s mortality reporting systems.
Excess deaths, indirect fatalities, and widespread under-registration have distorted the official narrative, masking the true scale of human loss.
Moving forward, India must prioritise transparent, comprehensive mortality surveillance as a cornerstone of public health policy.
Recognising and learning from these gaps is vital, not just to honour the lives lost, but to ensure that future generations are better protected against crises of this magnitude.

India’s Pandemic Toll Remains Elusive FAQs

Q1. What is excess mortality?
Ans. Excess mortality refers to the number of deaths during a crisis that exceed the expected number under normal conditions.

Q2. How many deaths were recorded in India in 2021 according to the Civil Registration System?
Ans. According to the Civil Registration System, India recorded 1.02 crore deaths in 2021.

Q3. Why is medical certification of deaths important?
Ans. Medical certification is important because it helps accurately determine and classify the causes of death.

Q4. What are indirect deaths in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic?
Ans. Indirect deaths are those not caused by the virus itself but by the pandemic’s broader effects, such as lack of medical care or lockdown-related disruptions.

Q5. What is one major recommendation made in the analysis?
Ans. The analysis recommends a large-scale inquiry into pandemic-related mortality and urgent reforms in India’s death registration and certification systems.

Source: The Hindu

Article 370 - Jammu & Kashmir Six Years After Abrogation

Context:

The abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019, and the subsequent transformation of Jammu & Kashmir into a Union Territory (UT) was projected as a move aimed at ensuring national integration, development, and peace.
Six years later, a critical review reveals mixed progress across politics, security, economy, and tourism, with persistent structural and governance challenges.

Political Developments - Democratic Revival with Limited Authority:

Resumption of electoral politics:
- National Conference (NC) leads the new elected government, seen as a return to democratic representation.
- However, key powers (police, services) have been retained by the Lieutenant Governor, curbing the authority of the elected CM.
Push for statehood and symbolic politics:
- First cabinet decision: Resolution for restoration of full statehood.
- CM Omar Abdullah reaffirmed special status and revived Martyrs’ Day (July 13), stirring tensions with the Centre.
- Centre views NC pragmatically, but ideological tensions over Article 370 remain.

Security - Progress Undone by Pahalgam Attack:

Decline in terrorism and militancy:
Sharp fall in violence post-2019 -
- Only 28 terrorists killed in 2025, down from 67 in 2024.
- Local militant recruitment dropped from 129 (2019) to 1 (2025).
- No recent cases of stone-pelting, hartals, or abductions.
Pahalgam attack - A grim reminder:
- 26 civilian deaths in 2025 occurred in a single attack in Pahalgam (April).
- Exposed gaps in security preparedness in tourism zones.
- India responded with Operation Sindoor, targeting camps across the border.

Economy - Investment, Revenue Surges:

Industrial investments:
- The Centre launched a new industrial scheme in 2021 promising incentives to attract investments.
- Proposed investments in J&K now total Rs 1.63 lakh crore, of which more than Rs 50,000 crore is in various stages of operationalisation.
- Production has begun in 359 industrial units; another 1,424 units are in advanced stages of completion.
- The government says investment realisation in 2024-25 is 10 times more than the pre-2020 period.
Revenue and GDP growth:
- J&K has seen a sharp uptick in tax revenues: GST collection increased by 12%, excise by 39%, and overall non-tax revenues rose 25% between 2022 and 2024.
- The state’s GDP doubled from Rs 1.17 lakh crore in 2015-16 to Rs 2.45 lakh crore in 2023-24, and hit Rs 2.63 lakh crore in 2024-25.
Power sector reforms:
- 74 lakh smart meters installed; transmission losses cut by 25%.
- Winter capacity drops to 600–650 MW, requiring central allocations.
- Rs 10,000 crore invested in power infra; generation to double by Dec 2026.
Banking and fiscal health:
- J&K Bank turned around from Rs 1,139 crore loss (2019-20) to Rs 1,700 crore profit (2023-24).
- NPAs halved, but fiscal health fragile -
  - The fiscal deficit remains high.
  - 70% of government expenditure depends on central grants.
  - Core sectors like agriculture and industry remain underperforming.

Economic Growth Trends - A Disappointing Performance:

Sluggish GSDP growth:
- Post-2019, J&K’s $30 billion economy has grown at a much slower pace.
- Both nominal and real GSDP growth have declined significantly.
- J&K’s share in national GDP has fallen to 0.77%.
Decline in tertiary sector growth:
- Tertiary sector (60% of the economy) growth dropped to 5.8% in 2023-24 from 11% in 2022-23.
- Income growth from hotels and restaurants plunged from 38% to 13%.
Real per capita income gap widens:
- The growth in real per capita income has also been halved — from 6% to less than 3%.
- Per capita income dropped to 76% of the national average, from 84% in 2011-12.
- Highest-ever income gap recorded in 2024.

Employment and Industrial Slowdown:

High unemployment despite labour participation:
- The unemployment rate peaked at 23% in March 2023, remaining at 17% in 2024.
- In the 15-29 age bracket, the unemployment rate of more than 30% is almost double the national average.
- It is among the states where high unemployment persists despite increased Worker Population Ratio.
Industrial stagnation:
- Number of factories stagnant since 2016-17.
- Workers in industry hit a decadal low in 2022-23.

Capital Formation and Investment Reality:

Sharp fall in fixed capital formation: Fixed capital peaked in 2016-17, halved by 2022-23. Separation of Ladakh is not a factor in this decline.
Investment claims vs reality: Government claims Rs 84,544 crore worth of proposals, but -
- Only Rs 2,518 crore invested on the ground in 2023.
- Central surveys show a decline in invested capital since 2017.

Fiscal Health and Rising Debt:

Mounting debt levels:
- Internal debt doubled post-2019.
- Outstanding liabilities are now about 60% of GSDP (vs national average of less than 30%).
- Fiscal deficit persists at around 6%, breaching FRBM limits.
Revenue growth with borrowing:
- State revenues increased three times in 8 years.
- Tax-to-GDP ratio increased from 6.3% to 8.4% post-GST.
- Still, higher borrowings indicate fiscal distress.

Credit Constraints and Capital Scarcity:

Low credit access:
- Credit-to-GSDP ratio only 38% in 2024.
- J&K's share in national credit is under 1%.
- Indicates low capital availability, hindering private sector growth.
Risk of a debt trap:
- Rising credit-deposit ratio driven by consumption, not investment.
- J&K experiences net resource outflow due to low deposit growth.

Inflation and Wage Dynamics:

Persistent inflation: Inflation remained slightly above the national average since 2019.
High wages: Daily wage rates (agriculture, construction) 2nd highest in India after Kerala.

Tourism - High Growth Amid Security Fragility:

Boom followed by setback:
- Record 2.11 crore tourists in 2023, with tourism contributing 7% to GDP.
- 75 new destinations opened; over 2,000 homestays registered.
Pahalgam attack's impact:
- Led to closure of 50 tourist spots, later reopened in phases (16 reopened).
- Adventure tourism is restricted to areas with strong security presence.
Private investment challenges:
- Only five hotels joined the new industrial scheme.
- Projects by Radisson and JW Marriott are exceptions.
- Land availability cited as a key hurdle.

Structural Constraints and Future Outlook:

Structural weaknesses worsen:
- J&K remains a high-cost, import-dependent economy.
- Export-oriented sectors have not driven growth.
- Continued reliance on expansionary public expenditure and overleveraged budgets.
Lack of transformation:
- Current economic indicators do not reflect a take-off stage (À la Rostow" - Refers to the development model that suggests that all countries progress through five distinct stages (traditional society, preconditions for takeoff, takeoff, drive to maturity, and age of high mass consumption) of economic development).
- Long-term, sustainable economic transformation remains elusive.

Conclusion:

Six years post-abrogation of Article 370, Jammu & Kashmir presents a complex picture — notable gains in security and investment, but with persistent gaps in political autonomy, fiscal sustainability, and private sector confidence.
The Pahalgam attack has refocused attention on fragile peace, reminding stakeholders that security and development must go hand-in-hand for lasting integration and prosperity.
Unless structural challenges are addressed and private investment catalysed, the vision of economic integration and prosperity may remain unfulfilled.

Article 370 FAQs

Q1. How has Article 370 abrogation influenced J&K’s political structure?

Ans. It restored democratic representation but limited the powers of the elected government under the Lieutenant Governor’s authority.

Q2. Has terrorism reduced in J&K post-2019?

Ans. Yes, terrorism indicators have declined, but the Pahalgam attack in 2025 exposed persistent security gaps.

Q3. What is the status of industrial investment in J&K after 2019?

Ans. While proposed investments increased, actual private sector participation and industrial output remain limited.

Q4. Is tourism in J&K sustainable post-Article 370?

Ans. Tourism saw a boom, but security threats and poor private investment hinder long-term sustainability.

Q5. Has J&K achieved fiscal stability after reorganisation?

Ans. Despite better revenue mobilisation, high fiscal deficits and central grant dependency continue.

Source: IE

Daily Editorial Analysis 5 August 2025 FAQs

Q1: What is editorial analysis?

Ans: Editorial analysis is the critical examination and interpretation of newspaper editorials to extract key insights, arguments, and perspectives relevant to UPSC preparation.

Q2: What is an editorial analyst?

Ans: An editorial analyst is someone who studies and breaks down editorials to highlight their relevance, structure, and usefulness for competitive exams like the UPSC.

Q3: What is an editorial for UPSC?

Ans: For UPSC, an editorial refers to opinion-based articles in reputed newspapers that provide analysis on current affairs, governance, policy, and socio-economic issues.

Q4: What are the sources of UPSC Editorial Analysis?

Ans: Key sources include editorials from The Hindu and Indian Express.

Q5: Can Editorial Analysis help in Mains Answer Writing?

Ans: Yes, editorial analysis enhances content quality, analytical depth, and structure in Mains answer writing.

Seabuckthorn

August 5, 2025

Seabuckthorn Latest News

Seeds of seabuckthorn and buckwheat grown in the cold desert of Ladakh are part of the experiments on board the International Space Station flown by NASA's Crew-11 mission.

About Seabuckthorn

It is popularly known as the ‘Wonder Plant’, ‘Ladakh Gold’, ‘Golden Bush’, or ‘Gold Mine’ of cold deserts.
Distribution: Sea buckthorn (Hippophae rhamnoides) is a plant found throughout Europe and Asia.
In India, it is found above the tree line in the Himalayan region, generally in dry areas such as the cold deserts of Ladakh and Spiti.
It produces small orange or yellow-coloured berries that are sour in taste but rich in vitamins, especially vitamin C.
The shrub can withstand extreme temperatures ranging from minus 43 degrees Celsius to 40 degrees Celsius and is considered drought-resistant.
These two characteristics make the shrub an ideal plant species to establish in cold deserts.
Sea Buckthorn berries have a unique characteristic of remaining intact on the shrub throughout the winter months despite the subzero temperature.

Uses of Seabuckthorn

It has been used traditionally for a variety of purposes.
Every part of the plant–fruit, leaf, twig, root, and thorns has been traditionally used as medicine, nutritional supplement, fuel, and fence.
Many bird species feed on the berries when other sources of food are limited in the region.
The leaves serve as protein-rich fodder for cold desert animals like sheep, goats, donkeys, cattle, and double-humped camels.

Source: TH

Seabuckthorn FAQs

Q1: Why is seabuckthorn important?

Ans: Seabuckthorn is a soil-binding plant which prevents soil-erosion, checks siltation in rivers and helps preserve floral biodiversity.

Q2: What is sea buckthorn called in India?

Ans: In India, sea buckthorn berry is commonly called “Chharma” or “Leh berry”.

Ethanol Blending – A Cleaner Step with Mileage and Maintenance Trade-offs

August 5, 2025

Ethanol Blending Latest News

Amid the nationwide rollout of E20 fuel, concerns over reduced mileage and vehicle damage due to ethanol's corrosive nature and lower energy content have emerged.

Introduction

India’s transition toward energy self-reliance and carbon reduction has achieved a landmark with the nationwide rollout of E20 fuel, petrol blended with 20% ethanol.
The target, initially set for 2030, has been met five years ahead of schedule in 2025.
While the move bolsters energy security, supports sugarcane farmers, and cuts crude oil imports, it has raised concerns among vehicle owners and experts regarding its effects on fuel efficiency, engine health, and long-term maintenance.

Ethanol Blending and Its Policy Context

Ethanol is an alcohol-based biofuel typically derived from sugarcane, maize, or other biomass sources.
It’s blending with petrol reduces carbon emissions and helps India reduce dependency on imported fossil fuels.
The government’s Ethanol Blended Petrol (EBP) Programme, launched in 2003 and accelerated over the past decade, first achieved a 10% ethanol blending (E10) milestone in 2022.
In 2025, the E20 rollout was declared complete nationwide.
The achievement aligns with India’s broader renewable energy and energy security ambitions under the National Bio-Energy Programme.

Environmental and Economic Gains

The E20 programme is estimated to reduce India’s crude oil import bill by over Rs. 50,000 crore annually and reduce carbon dioxide emissions significantly.
It also provides economic support to farmers by increasing the demand for sugarcane and other feedstock crops.
However, while macroeconomic and environmental benefits are substantial, E20’s implications for individual vehicle performance and user costs present a complex trade-off.

Impact on Fuel Efficiency

One of the most debated impacts of ethanol blending is the drop in mileage.
Ethanol contains about 30% less energy per litre than petrol. This energy deficit translates into increased fuel consumption per kilometre driven.
Central Govt’s View: The Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoPNG) has clarified that the mileage loss is “marginal”, around 1-2% for E10-designed vehicles calibrated for E20 and 3-6% for others. With proper engine tuning, the Ministry says efficiency losses can be minimised.
Expert Opinion: Independent automotive experts, however, estimate that real-world mileage loss could be as high as 6-7%, particularly for vehicles not optimised for E20. This would mean more frequent refuelling and higher running costs for users.

Corrosion and Compatibility Issues

The more serious concern relates to vehicle maintenance. Ethanol is hygroscopic, meaning it absorbs moisture from the atmosphere. This can lead to:
- Corrosion of metal components such as fuel tanks, fuel lines, injectors, and exhausts.
- Degradation of rubber and plastic components like seals, gaskets, and hoses.
- Alteration of air-fuel ratio, affecting combustion and performance, especially in engines without calibrated ECUs.
Experts from firms like Primus Partners and FADA (Federation of Automobile Dealers Associations) have warned that older vehicles not designed for E20 may suffer from increased wear and tear, leading to higher maintenance costs.

Industry Response

Major automobile manufacturers have responded by:
- Hero MotoCorp stated that vehicles manufactured before April 2023 may require engine modifications and replacement of rubber components to safely run on E20.
- TVS Motor Company acknowledges that ethanol’s corrosive nature requires re-engineered components to prevent premature wear and compatibility issues.
To support the transition, manufacturers are now producing E20-compatible models and updating service advisories for older vehicles.

Future Outlook and Higher Blends

While the E20 transition is already posing technical challenges, discussions have begun on potential future blends like E30 or E40. Experts caution that higher blends will necessitate:
- Dual fuel dispensing infrastructure at petrol pumps.
- Retrofitting of older vehicles or phase-outs.
- Regulatory clarity and greater consumer awareness.
Until such safeguards are in place, expanding beyond E20 may increase the burden on both consumers and service providers.

Source: TH | SF

Ethanol Blending FAQs

Q1: What is E20 fuel?

Ans: E20 is petrol blended with 20% ethanol, introduced to reduce oil imports and emissions.

Q2: How does ethanol blending affect vehicle mileage?

Ans: E20 fuel may reduce mileage by 3–7% due to ethanol’s lower energy content.

Q3: Are all vehicles compatible with E20 fuel?

Ans: Only vehicles manufactured after April 2023 are typically E20-compatible; older ones may need modifications.

Q4: What maintenance issues can arise from E20 use?

Ans: Ethanol can corrode metal parts and degrade rubber components, increasing maintenance needs.

Q5: Will higher ethanol blends be introduced in the future?

Ans: Experts warn that blends like E30 or E40 may pose greater risks without infrastructure and vehicle readiness.

India’s Fighter Jet Crisis: MiG-21 Retirement, LCA Delays, and IAF’s Modernisation Challenges

August 5, 2025

IAF Fighter Jet Shortage Latest News

The Indian Air Force (IAF) will retire its MiG-21 fighter jets in September 2025, marking the end of their six-decade service.
This will reduce IAF’s fighter strength to 29 squadrons, well below the sanctioned 42.
The IAF is awaiting delayed deliveries of the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA)-Mk1A to replenish its fleet.

Meanwhile, China has significantly bolstered its air power with 1,300 fourth-generation aircraft and two fifth-generation jets (J-20 and J-31), highlighting the urgency for India to induct 400-450 advanced combat jets to maintain strategic parity.

About MiG-21

The MiG-21 is a single-engine, single-seater multi-role fighter and ground attack aircraft that has served as the backbone of the Indian Air Force (IAF) for decades.
First inducted in 1963 as an interceptor, the aircraft was progressively upgraded for various combat roles, including ground attacks.
India has procured over 700 MiG-21s across different variants such as Type-77, Type-96, and BIS, with the latest being the Bison, upgraded with advanced avionics, missiles, and radars.

Legacy of MiG-21s: From Supersonic Pioneers to 'Flying Coffins'

Inducted after the 1962 war with China, the MiG-21s marked the Indian Air Force’s (IAF) entry into supersonic aviation and were its first non-western fighters.
License-produced by HAL, they served as the IAF’s backbone for decades.
However, a series of crashes in the 2000s—partly due to the lack of Advanced Jet Trainers—earned them the infamous tag of "flying coffins," with nearly 500 accidents and over 450 fatalities since 1965.
Notably, during the 2019 aerial skirmish with Pakistan post-Balakot strikes, a MiG-21 flown by Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman was shot down.
Advanced variants like the MiG-21 Bison are now being phased out, with the final two squadrons set to retire by September 2025.
The IAF's fighter strength currently stands at 29 squadrons, far below the sanctioned 42, relying heavily on Su-30MKIs, MiG-29s, Mirage-2000s, Jaguars, and LCA Tejas for operational capability.

IAF’s Fighter Strength Faces Critical Challenges

IAF faces a significant depletion in its combat fleet with the impending retirement of MiG-21s and Jaguars by 2030, potentially reducing its strength by around 16 squadrons.
Without fresh inductions, the IAF's squadron count could fall below 30 in the coming years, far short of the sanctioned 42.
While future projects like the Medium Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA) and the indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) are in development, their timelines remain uncertain.
Currently, the IAF operates only two squadrons of the LCA Mk1, with the more advanced Mk1A variant facing manufacturing delays.
Despite a contract for 83 Mk1As signed in 2021, the expected deliveries starting March 2024 have been postponed, further straining the IAF’s modernization efforts.

Delays in LCA Mk1A Deliveries

Under a $6.5 billion deal, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was to deliver 83 Tejas Mk1A jets—including 73 fighters and 10 trainers—starting March 2024, but not a single aircraft has been delivered yet.
Production has now been expedited, with eight jets expected this fiscal year and the rest by 2028.
To address these delays, an Empowered Committee for Capability Enhancement (CECE) identified key vendor ecosystem improvements.
The Mk1A, designed to replace ageing MiG-21s, is critical for the IAF's fleet, which also includes older MiG-29s and Jaguars from the 1980s.
Additionally, HAL is working on LCA Mk2 and is set to receive 99 engines from GE Aerospace for ongoing production.
Meanwhile, India has procured 272 Su-30MKIs from Russia, of which around 200 are operational.
To replace losses, the Ministry of Defence signed a ₹1,300 crore deal in December for 12 new Su-30MKIs, with the engines licence-produced by HAL.

The Way Forward

IAF has charted an ambitious plan to induct over 600 fighter jets in the next two decades, with a significant focus on indigenous LCA variants.
- This includes 180 LCA-Mk1A, over 120 LCA-Mk2, 114 Medium Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA), and at least 120 Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA).
A Twin-Engine Deck Based Fighter for the Navy is also on the drawing board. However, these plans depend on timely production and deliveries.
As an interim measure, India is exploring the limited import of fifth-generation fighters, considering options like the Russian Su-57 and American F-35.
The AMCA, envisaged in two phases—Mk1 with GE414 engines and Mk2 with a co-developed 110KN engine—is central to India’s future air combat capability.
The Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) has invited private sector participation for AMCA production, marking a shift from past practices.
However, the MRFA program, for which an RFI was issued in 2019, remains stalled due to its high cost and competing priorities.
The IAF’s modernisation drive now hinges on the successful execution of these parallel programs and strategic collaborations.

Source: TH | IE

IAF Fighter Jet Shortage FAQs

Q1: Why is the IAF retiring MiG-21 jets in 2025?

Ans: The MiG-21s have served over six decades and are outdated, necessitating their phased retirement for fleet modernisation.

Q2: What is the current strength of IAF’s fighter squadrons?

Ans: After MiG-21 retirements, IAF’s fighter strength will drop to 29 squadrons, below the sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons.

Q3: Why are LCA-Mk1A deliveries delayed?

Ans: Manufacturing bottlenecks and engine supply issues have delayed HAL’s deliveries of LCA-Mk1A jets under the $6.5 billion deal.

Q4: What are India’s plans to replenish fighter jets?

Ans: IAF plans to induct over 600 jets, including LCA variants, MRFA, AMCA, and twin-engine deck-based fighters for the Navy.

Q5: Is India considering importing fifth-generation jets?

Ans: Yes, India is exploring limited imports of fifth-generation fighters like the Russian Su-57 and American F-35 as interim measures.

Supreme Court Empowers Pollution Control Boards to Levy Environmental Compensation

August 5, 2025

Pollution Control Boards Environmental Compensation Latest News

The Supreme Court ruled that Pollution Control Boards (PCBs) are empowered to impose environmental compensation on polluting entities as part of their statutory mandate under the Water Act and Air Act.
A bench comprising Justices PS Narasimha and Manoj Misra clarified that PCBs can demand restitutionary or compensatory damages through fixed monetary sums or bank guarantees as preventive measures against potential environmental harm.

Case Background

The Delhi Pollution Control Committee (DPCC) challenged a 2012 Delhi High Court ruling.
The High Court had cancelled DPCC’s notices that asked for monetary guarantees and compensation from properties without valid environmental consents.
The High Court said only courts could impose such penalties.
However, the Supreme Court overturned this decision. It ruled that DPCC has the authority to demand compensation as part of its regulatory powers to protect the environment.

PCBs’ Statutory Authority to Levy Compensation

The Supreme Court expanded the powers of PCBs, affirming their authority to impose and collect restitutionary and compensatory damages for restoring polluted air and water bodies.
The judgment clarified that PCBs can demand fixed sums of money or bank guarantees as ex-ante preventive measures under Sections 33A (Water Act, 1974) and 31A (Air Act, 1981).

Scope and Limits of Compensation Powers

The Court cautioned that such compensation cannot be levied for every statutory violation.
It is applicable only when actual environmental damage has occurred or is imminent.
The Court directed that these powers must be exercised only after framing subordinate legislation (rules and regulations) under both Acts.
These rules must ensure adherence to principles of natural justice, providing a fair process before imposing compensatory measures.

Jurisprudence Backing the Ruling

The judgment drew on landmark cases like Vellore Citizens Welfare Forum (1996) and Indian Council for Enviro-Legal Action (1996).
The judgements in these cases emphasized environmental restitution as a constitutional and statutory obligation, distinct from punitive sanctions.

Principles Laid Down by the Court

The Court established key principles guiding PCBs:
- Distinction Between Remedial and Punitive Measures: Restitutionary compensation is preventive/remedial, not punitive. Fines or imprisonment are punitive and require judicial procedures.
- Non-Punitive Nature of Compensation Orders: Monetary compensation for environmental damage is not punitive if imposed under regulatory powers.
- Polluter Pays Principle: This principle is part of Indian law and applies when:
  - Environmental thresholds are breached, causing damage.
  - Environmental damage occurs even if thresholds are not breached.
  - Potential environmental risks are identified, irrespective of breaches.
- Duty of Preventive Action: PCBs must act proactively (ex-ante), even without proven damage, using their powers under Sections 33A and 31A to avert potential environmental harm.

Broad Mandate and Regulatory Responsibilities

The Apex Court highlighted that PCBs possess expansive regulatory powers under the Water and Air Acts, including authority to shut down industries, stop essential services, and issue remedial directions to prevent and control pollution.
These powers come with enormous responsibilities to uphold environmental protection.
It linked the PCBs’ duties to the State's constitutional obligations under Article 51A (Fundamental Duties), particularly in the context of the climate crisis, stressing that water and air protection is of utmost significance.

Strengthening Remedial Jurisprudence

The Court observed that the expansion of fundamental rights, including the right to a clean environment, must be matched by robust remedial powers.
Merely issuing injunctions or compensatory orders is inadequate; restitutionary measures ensuring ecosystem restoration must become a key component of environmental regulation and enforcement.

Source: TH | IE | LL

Pollution Control Boards Environmental Compensation FAQs

Q1: What powers did the Supreme Court grant Pollution Control Boards?

Ans: They can impose restitutionary damages or bank guarantees for preventing environmental harm under Water and Air Acts.

Q2: When can Pollution Control Boards demand compensation?

Ans: Only when actual or imminent environmental damage is established, not for every statutory violation.

Q3: What principle supports environmental compensation?

Ans: The Polluter Pays Principle, embedded in Indian environmental law, mandates polluters to bear restoration costs.

Q4: Are compensation orders punitive?

Ans: No, compensation is remedial or preventive, distinct from punitive fines or imprisonment, which need judicial proceedings.

Q5: What safeguards did the Court mandate for compensation orders?

Ans: Pollution Boards must frame rules ensuring natural justice, transparency, and procedural fairness before imposing damages.

Assets Under Management (AUM)

August 5, 2025

Assets Under Management Latest News

The asset under management (AUM) of India’s mutual fund (MF) industry was estimated at ₹74.40 lakh crore, marking a more than sevenfold growth in 10 years, according to a recent report.

About Assets Under Management

AUM is a crucial metric in the financial industry, particularly in mutual funds.
AUM refers to the total market value of the assets that a financial institution or investment company manages on behalf of its clients.
These assets can include stocks, bonds, and other financial investments.
AUM is affected by:
- Market fluctuations
- Net investor inflows (new investments)
- Redemptions or withdrawals
- Dividend reinvestments
AUM is an essential measure of the size and success of a mutual fund, as it provides investors with insight into the fund's popularity and credibility.
It also indicates the financial institution's expertise and ability to attract and retain clients.
Additionally, investors often use AUM to assess the fund's liquidity and stability.
The larger the AUM, the more resources and diversification potential the fund may have, which can attract investors seeking long-term growth and stability.
A mutual fund’s AUM can have a large impact on the fees that an investor usually pays to invest in the mutual fund. For example, some larger funds might have a very high minimum investment.

Source: TH

Assets Under Management FAQs

Q1: What is Assets Under Management (AUM)?

Ans: AUM is the total market value of the assets that a financial institution or investment company manages on behalf of its clients.

Q2: Why do investors often consider Assets Under Management (AUM) when selecting a mutual fund?

Ans: It reflects the fund’s popularity, expertise, and stability.

Q3: How does Assets Under Management (AUM) impact investor fees in a mutual fund?

Ans: Larger AUM funds may have high minimum investment requirements.