Hindi Diwas – How the Constituent Assembly Resolved the Language Question

Hindi Diwas

Hindi Diwas Latest News

  • Hindi Diwas is observed every year on September 14 to commemorate the decision of the Constituent Assembly on September 14, 1949, regarding the official language of the Union. 
  • After prolonged and contentious debates, the Assembly adopted the compromise commonly known as the Munshi-Ayyangar formula.

Background: The Language Question in the Constituent Assembly

  • At Independence, India was a highly multilingual country, with Hindi being the most widely spoken language while numerous regional languages were used across different parts of the country.
  • English, despite being spoken by less than 1% of Indians, remained the language of colonial administration, law and higher official communication.
  • The central questions before the Constituent Assembly were:
    • Whether English should be replaced by an Indian language?
    • Which language should receive official status at the Union level?
    • Whether Hindi should replace English immediately or through a transition?
    • How could linguistic diversity be reconciled with national unity?
  • The debate broadly divided members into Hindi-speaking representatives, representatives of non-Hindi-speaking regions and moderate Congress leaders.

Hindi versus Linguistic Diversity

  • Hindi-speaking representatives largely argued that Hindi should become India's national language and replace English.
  • Some members viewed a common language as essential for national integration. Seth Govind Das argued for one language and one script for the country.
  • However, representatives from non-Hindi-speaking regions opposed the idea that linguistic uniformity was necessary for national unity. Shankarrao Deo of Bombay emphasised the principle of “unity in diversity”.
  • Moderate leaders also recognised the practical difficulties involved in immediately replacing English. Concerns were raised regarding Hindi's limited vocabulary for modern administration, law and technical subjects.
  • Maulana Abul Kalam Azad argued that a language should develop organically and become capable of expressing complex technical subjects before being made the sole language of administration.

Majority Rule versus Consensus

  • The language controversy also raised an important constitutional question: Should the language issue be settled by a simple majority or through consensus?
  • Supporters of Hindi argued that democratic principles required the majority view to prevail.
  • Opponents warned that imposing a language through a majoritarian vote could alienate linguistic minorities. S.P. Mookerjee cautioned against using constitutional provisions to impose one language through coercion.
  • Constituent Assembly President Rajendra Prasad similarly stressed that any language decision had to be acceptable to the country as a whole. A decision passed by a majority but rejected by a considerable section of society, he argued, could make implementation of the Constitution difficult.

The Munshi-Ayyangar Formula

  • The eventual solution was the Munshi–Ayyangar formula, named after K.M. Munshi and N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, who were members of the seven-member Drafting Committee chaired by B.R. Ambedkar.
  • The compromise did not designate Hindi as India's “national language.” Instead, it designated Hindi in Devanagari script as the official language of the Union.
  • At the same time, English was permitted to continue for all official purposes for 15 years after the commencement of the Constitution.
  • This arrangement was subsequently incorporated into Articles 343-351 in Part XVII of the Constitution.

Evolution of Hindi and English

  • The constitutional arrangement envisaged a 15-year transition period, during which the Union could progressively increase the use of Hindi.
  • The Constitution also recognised 14 other languages in the Eighth Schedule at the time. 
  • States were permitted to select a regional language or English for their internal administration, while English continued to play an important role in communication between States.
  • However, when the 15-year transition period ended in 1965, Hindi had not become sufficiently widespread in Union government functioning.
  • The prospect of replacing English with Hindi generated strong opposition in several non-Hindi-speaking States, particularly in southern India. Protests and violent agitations during the 1960s demonstrated the political sensitivity of the language question.
  • Consequently, the original expectation of eventually replacing English with Hindi was modified.
  • The Official Languages Act, 1963, provided for the continued use of English alongside Hindi for official purposes. Thus, the constitutional framework evolved into a dual-language arrangement rather than establishing Hindi as the exclusive language of Union administration.

Constitutional Framework

  • The language provisions are primarily contained in Part XVII of the Constitution.
    • Article 343: Official language of the Union. 
    • Articles 344-345: Language-related arrangements involving the Union and States. 
    • Articles 346-347: Communication between States and recognition of languages. 
    • Article 348: Language used in the Supreme Court, High Courts and legislation. 
    • Article 350A: Facilities for instruction in the mother tongue at the primary stage. 
    • Article 350B: Special Officer for linguistic minorities. 
    • Article 351: Directive for development of Hindi. 
  • Thus, India's constitutional language policy seeks to balance Hindi's development with multilingualism and linguistic rights.

Significance

  • Hindi Diwas is significant not merely as a celebration of the Hindi language but as a reminder of the constitutional compromise that helped accommodate India's linguistic diversity.
  • The Constituent Assembly's experience demonstrates that linguistic policy in a diverse democracy requires consensus-building rather than simple majoritarianism.
  • It also illustrates the flexibility of the Indian constitutional system, where an initial transition plan could evolve in response to social and political realities.

Source: IE

Hindi Diwas FAQs

Q1: Why is Hindi Diwas observed on September 14?

Ans: Hindi Diwas is observed on September 14 because the Constituent Assembly adopted the language-related compromise on September 14, 1949.

Q2: Did the Constitution declare Hindi India's national language?

Ans: No, the Constitution designated Hindi as the official language of the Union and did not declare any language as India's national language.

Q3: What is the Munshi-Ayyangar formula?

Ans: The Munshi-Ayyangar formula was the compromise that designated Hindi as the Union's official language while allowing continued use of English for official purposes.

Q4: Which Constitutional Articles deal with official languages?

Ans: Official language provisions are primarily contained in Articles 343–351 under Part XVII of the Constitution.

Q5: Why did English continue after 1965?

Ans: English continued because strong opposition to the replacement of English with Hindi in non-Hindi-speaking regions made an exclusive Hindi-based system politically and administratively difficult.

Strengthening the Insolvency Framework for Personal Guarantors

Insolvency Framework

Insolvency Framework Latest News

  • The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board of India (IBBI) has proposed four key amendments to the insolvency resolution framework for personal guarantors to corporate debtors. 
  • The objective is to strengthen safeguards available to banks and other creditors and bring the process closer to the protections provided under the Corporate Insolvency Resolution Process (CIRP).
  • The proposals have gained significance following the controversy surrounding the repayment plan approved in the Subhash Chandra case.
  • The case had raised questions over creditor protection, large haircuts and the effectiveness of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016.

Why the Subhash Chandra Case Matters

  • On August 25, a single bench of the National Company Law Tribunal (NCLT) approved a repayment plan involving personal guarantor and Essel Group founder Subhash Chandra.
  • Creditors with admitted claims of ₹22,006.57 crore were offered only around ₹6.25 crore.
  • Banks alleged that certain non-bank entities involved in the process were associates or related parties of the guarantor.
  • They alleged that these entities acted under Chandra’s influence to support a repayment plan involving an exceptionally large haircut. A special NCLT bench subsequently stayed the single-bench order.
  • The episode triggered concerns regarding the effectiveness of the IBC, which seeks to facilitate time-bound resolution of insolvency, maximise asset value and improve recovery for creditors.

Four Key Amendments Proposed by IBBI

  • Bar related parties from voting:
    • IBBI proposes that a related-party creditor of the personal guarantor should not have voting rights while approving a repayment plan.
    • Under CIRP, a related party of the corporate debtor is prohibited from voting in the Committee of Creditors (CoC). 
    • However, in personal-guarantor insolvency, the existing restriction applies to an “associate”, whose definition is narrower than “related party”.
    • For example, a company that habitually acts on the guarantor’s advice or instructions may qualify as a related party even if the guarantor does not own shares or formally control its board. 
      • Such an entity may nevertheless fall outside the narrower definition of an associate.
    • Significance: The change seeks to prevent conflict of interest, indirect influence and strategic voting by entities connected with the guarantor.
  • Scrutiny of avoidance transactions:
    • IBBI proposes that the resolution professional (RP) should examine, during the resolution process itself, whether the guarantor was involved in -
      • Preferential transactions
      • Undervalued transactions
      • Extortionate credit transactions
    • The RP would have to place the findings before creditors before they vote on the repayment plan and initiate legal proceedings with their approval.
    • At present, unlike CIRP, the personal-guarantor framework does not require the RP to undertake such an examination before the repayment plan is put to vote.
    • Significance: This would help identify possible asset diversion, preferential treatment of creditors and fraudulent or value-diminishing transactions before creditors decide on a repayment proposal.
  • Mandatory independent asset valuation:
    • The proposed framework requires the RP to appoint a registered valuer to determine fair value of the guarantor’s assets; and realisable value of those assets.
    • The valuation report would be provided to creditors along with the repayment plan.
    • This would enable creditors to assess - 
      • Adequacy of available security; 
      • Viability of the repayment plan; 
      • Potential recovery from the guarantor’s assets; and 
      • Whether accepting the repayment plan is commercially preferable to initiating bankruptcy proceedings.
  • Record creditors’ commercial rationale:
    • Currently, in personal-guarantor cases, resolution professionals primarily record voting tallies, without adequately documenting the reasoning behind creditors’ decisions.
    • IBBI proposes that minutes of creditors’ meetings should capture -
      • Detailed deliberations;
      • Objections and assessments;
      • Reasons for approving or rejecting the repayment plan; and
      • The commercial rationale behind the decision.
    • Where the proposed repayment is substantially lower than either the admitted claims or the estimated realisable value of assets, creditors would specifically have to explain why accepting the plan is preferable to commencing bankruptcy proceedings.

Significance of the Proposal

  • The proposals seek to reinforce the core principles of the IBC - Creditor protection → Transparency → Accountability → Value maximisation → Informed commercial decision-making.
  • They also seek to reduce the possibility of connected entities influencing insolvency outcomes -
    • Improving due diligence regarding the guarantor’s financial affairs, and 
    • Ensuring that creditors base decisions on objective recovery prospects.

Conclusion

  • The proposed amendments can strengthen the credibility of personal-guarantor insolvency proceedings by ensuring that voting is free from conflicts of interest, assets are independently valued, questionable transactions are scrutinised and creditors’ decisions are properly reasoned.
  • Overall, the reforms aim to ensure that a repayment plan represents a genuine and commercially justified resolution rather than a mechanism for disproportionately large haircuts at the expense of creditors.

Source: IE

Insolvency Framework FAQs

Q1: What are the key amendments proposed by IBBI for insolvency resolution of personal guarantors?

Ans: Barring related-party creditors from voting, scrutiny of avoidance transactions, mandatory independent asset valuation, etc.

Q2: Why does IBBI seek to replace the narrower ‘associate’ restriction with a broader ‘related party’ bar on voting?

Ans: To prevent entities influenced by or connected with the guarantor from exercising voting rights.

Q3: How will mandatory scrutiny of avoidance transactions strengthen insolvency proceedings?

Ans: It will enable early detection of preferential, undervalued and extortionate credit transactions.

Q4: What is the significance of independent valuation of a personal guarantor’s assets?

Ans: It will enable creditors to objectively compare the recovery offered under a repayment plan with potential recovery.

Q5: How can recording creditors’ commercial rationale improve transparency?

Ans: It will promote accountability, informed decision-making and greater confidence in the insolvency process.

BRICS Open-Source AI: China’s Proposal and India’s Position

BRICS Open-Source AI

BRICS Open-Source AI Latest News

  • At the BRICS Summit in New Delhi, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed setting up a BRICS open-source artificial intelligence (AI) community
  • China offered to support cooperation among member countries on developing and deploying large language models (LLMs), AI training and a common digital cloud platform. 
  • The initiative could widen Beijing's effort to position its AI technology as an alternative to proprietary systems controlled largely by American companies. 
  • The proposal has particular relevance for India, which has also pushed for wider access to compute, datasets and AI models for developing countries.

What Xi Proposed

  • Xi said China would take the lead in establishing a "BRICS AI open source community". The proposal has several components:
    • Cooperation on large language models.
    • Specialised AI seminars and training courses.
    • An open ecosystem for AI.
    • A separate BRICS digital ecosystem cloud platform.
    • Expanded cooperation on digital skills, technology exchanges and intelligent manufacturing.
  • This builds on China's growing outreach to developing countries. At the World Artificial Intelligence Conference in Shanghai in July 2026, Xi announced 5,000 AI training and seminar opportunities for developing countries over five years. 
  • He also proposed AI application cooperation centres with groupings including BRICS, ASEAN and the African Union.

What BRICS Actually Agreed To

  • Xi's proposal has not been adopted as a BRICS-wide programme. The New Delhi Declaration issued after the summit does not mention the open-source community or the cloud platform. 
  • Instead, it:
    • Commits BRICS countries more broadly to cooperation on improving access to AI resources.
    • Emphasises safety, security, reliability and inclusiveness.
    • Refers to an earlier BRICS statement on global AI governance and pledges continued cooperation in this area.
  • Since China takes over the BRICS chairship in 2027, it could place these proposals before the grouping again.

Why China Is Promoting Open AI Models

  • The proposal comes as Chinese companies release a growing number of open-weight AI models
  • DeepSeek and Alibaba's Qwen family of models can be downloaded and run by developers on their own infrastructure, subject to their licences. 
  • This differs from closed models, which are generally accessed through APIs controlled by companies such as OpenAI, Anthropic and Google.
  • China has increasingly linked open AI with access for developing countries. It argues that AI should be more affordable and accessible globally. 
  • The BRICS proposal would extend this approach into a multilateral grouping spanning large developing economies across Asia, Africa, Latin America and West Asia.

The US-China Divergence in AI

  • China's push to widen access to its AI ecosystem coincides with a debate in the United States about how Beijing's progress should shape efforts to regulate or slow advanced AI development. 
  • The American ecosystem views China as perhaps its biggest competitor.
  • As per the analysts:
    • Any US attempt to slow powerful AI systems must account for China's pace of progress.
    • If US companies slowed down while Chinese labs advanced, China could close or reverse the technological gap.
    • A long-term global slowdown of frontier AI would require some form of agreement with China.
    • Such an arrangement would resemble Cold War-era arms-control agreements, with verification being critical, since either side could gain by secretly continuing development.

Where India Fits

  • India and China both aspire to lead the Global South, though Beijing currently holds a clear edge in AI capabilities. 
  • India has repeatedly called for wider access to AI resources:
    • At the AI Impact Summit earlier this year, the government pushed for broader access to compute, datasets, models and AI infrastructure, especially for developing countries.
    • Through the IndiaAI Mission, India is investing public money in domestic AI capacity, including subsidised compute infrastructure and support for Indian foundation models and datasets.
  • Any BRICS initiative on shared models or cloud infrastructure would therefore sit alongside New Delhi's own effort to expand AI access without relying entirely on foreign technology providers.

Unanswered Questions

  • For now, there is no formal BRICS open-source AI platform. Xi's announcement remains a Chinese proposal. 
  • Neither the New Delhi Declaration nor other summit documents specify:
    • Which models would be used;
    • Where common cloud infrastructure would be hosted;
    • How data would be handled;
    • Which countries would participate
  • These details will determine how substantial the initiative becomes when China assumes the BRICS chairship in 2027.

Source: IE

BRICS Open-Source AI FAQ

Q1: What is China’s BRICS open-source AI proposal?

Ans: China’s BRICS open-source AI proposal seeks cooperation on large language models, AI training, digital skills, technology exchange and a common cloud platform.

Q2: Has BRICS adopted China’s open-source AI proposal?

Ans: BRICS open-source AI has not been formally adopted; the New Delhi Declaration supports broader AI-resource cooperation but excludes China’s proposed platform.

Q3: Why is China promoting open-source AI models?

Ans: China promotes BRICS open-source AI to expand affordable access to AI technologies and strengthen its ecosystem across developing countries and emerging markets.

Q4: How does India fit into the BRICS open-source AI initiative?

Ans: India’s BRICS open-source AI position aligns with its push for wider access to compute, datasets and models through the IndiaAI Mission.

Q5: What questions remain about BRICS open-source AI?

Ans: BRICS open-source AI still lacks clarity on participating countries, selected models, cloud hosting, data handling and implementation as China assumes the chairship.

El Niño and Food Inflation: Why Food Prices May Stay Elevated

El Niño and Food Inflation

El Niño and Food Inflation Latest News

  • India's southwest monsoon this year has been erratic and deficient, largely because of a strengthening El Niño
  • The combined effect of a weak monsoon, a likely very strong El Niño in the coming months, and escalating geopolitical tensions in West Asia and Russia-Ukraine could push up food inflation, which has so far remained relatively under control.

How the Monsoon Unfolded

  • The season's performance varied sharply month by month:
    • June: Normally sees about three low-pressure systems (LPS) covering around 11 days. This year, not a single LPS formed. Rainfall was 38 per cent below the long-period average (LPA).
    • July: Four LPSs formed, close to the climatological average. They persisted longer, giving 24 LPS days against the normal 13.56. Rainfall was 1 per cent above the LPA.
    • August: Six LPSs formed against the average of 5.38, with 26 LPS days against the normal 16.3. Yet rainfall was 16.3 per cent below the LPA. El Niño weakened the easterly trade winds, reducing the transport of moisture-laden air towards the subcontinent.
  • A low-pressure system brings rain when warm, moist air near the ground rises, cools and condenses into clouds.

Overall Monsoon Picture

  • Cumulative all-India rainfall was 14.7 per cent below the LPA as of September 13.
  • 24 of the country's 36 meteorological subdivisions recorded deficiency above 10 per cent.
  • The southern states, along with Marathwada and Vidarbha in Maharashtra, were worst affected.
  • Rainfall was largely confined to Odisha, Chhattisgarh, eastern Madhya Pradesh, Gangetic West Bengal, Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh.

Impact on Kharif Crops

  • The headline sowing figure looks reassuring. Total kharif acreage stood at 1,096.5 lakh hectares as of September 11, only 1.4 per cent below the 1,112.5 lakh hectares of the same period in 2025. 
  • But three better indicators tell a more worrying story.
    • Fertiliser sales: Sales of di-ammonium phosphate, muriate of potash and complex fertilisers were significantly lower in April–July 2026 than a year earlier. Even urea sales fell 6.6 per cent, despite government efforts to ensure gas availability for domestic production and imports amid West Asia-induced supply shocks.
    • Market prices: Wholesale prices have risen sharply over last year, reflecting bullish trader expectations of a smaller crop.
    • Production forecasts: The US Department of Agriculture projects India's rice output falling to 147 million tonnes from last year's record 154 mt, and maize to 50 mt from 55.1 mt.
  • The uneven temporal distribution (long dry spells interspersed with heavy downpours) and spatial distribution of rainfall are likely to lower yields even where sowing has been completed.

El Niño Outlook

  • El Niño is currently in a strong state, with sea surface temperatures (SST) in the equatorial Pacific off Ecuador and Peru about 1.8°C above normal. 
  • The US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration projects:
    • Over 90 per cent chance of a very strong El Niño (SST more than 2°C above normal) from September to January.
    • Strong conditions (more than 1.5°C above normal) till March.
    • Weak-to-moderate conditions (0.5°C to 1.5°C above normal) till May.

Threat to the Rabi Season

  • El Niño suppresses rainfall and raises temperatures in India. A very strong event could produce a short, warm winter
  • The rabi crops most at risk include wheat, rapeseed-mustard, chana, masoor, matar, potato, onion, garlic, jeera, saunf and dhaniya.

Global Price Pressures Are Building

  • The West Asia conflict has not yet caused a dramatic spike in global food prices, unlike Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. 
  • This is because back-to-back bumper crops in 2024-25 and 2025-26 produced record output of wheat, rice, maize, sugar, soyabean, rapeseed and palm oil. That cushion is now eroding:
  • The FAO Food Price Index stood at 133.3 points in August, the highest since November 2022, though below the all-time high of 160.2 in March 2022. 
    • The index is a weighted average of world food commodity prices against a 2014-16 base of 100.
  • The FAO vegetable oil index in August was the highest since June 2022; the cereals index touched a 27-month high.
  • Running down of stocks, disrupted trade logistics from geopolitical tensions and a strengthening El Niño could push global prices further upward.

Conclusion

  • A deficient and uneven monsoon, a strengthening El Niño threatening the rabi season, and tightening global markets for cereals and edible oils point in one direction: food inflation is set to return and stay elevated. 
  • Policymakers must prepare for supply management, buffer stock use and calibrated trade measures.

Source: IE | BS

El Niño and food inflation FAQs

Q1: How can El Niño and food inflation affect India?

Ans: El Niño and food inflation are linked because weak rainfall can reduce crop yields, raise commodity prices and increase pressure on household food budgets.

Q2: How has El Niño affected India’s monsoon?

Ans: El Niño and food inflation risks have increased as weakened trade winds reduced moisture transport, contributing to deficient and uneven rainfall across India.

Q3: Which crops face risks from El Niño?

Ans: El Niño and food inflation risks extend to wheat, mustard, chana, masoor, peas, potato, onion, garlic, cumin, fennel and coriander.

Q4: Why could global food prices rise further?

Ans: El Niño and food inflation pressures may intensify as food stocks decline, trade logistics face disruption and global prices for cereals and edible oils increase.

Q5: What measures can policymakers take against food inflation?

Ans: El Niño and food inflation require policymakers to prepare supply-management measures, use buffer stocks effectively and adopt calibrated trade policies to contain price pressures.

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